Conversation

From War and Sanctions to Throne and Tweet; Will 13, Badr happen? with Dr. Sadegh Zibakalam, Professor of Political Science at the University of Tehran.

If you are a person of analysis, if you still ask amidst the smoke, fire, and propaganda what will be the end, you are exactly in the right place. In a world where war is neither declared nor ended, in an era where truth is judged not by reality but by virality, and in a homeland whose people are burning in the fire of sanctions, war, lies, and promises, the main question is no longer just who stays or who goes. The question is whether anything of us will remain.

Hope or a Deception Plan? Negotiation, Explosion; Agreement and Hostility with Dr. Majid Behestani, Professor and Faculty Member of Imam Hossein University.

We will go to the heart of the mystery together. From the very beginning, we must know that in a world where truth and falsehood are intertwined, only one thing is certain: every signature has a cost, and every cost has a future. Tonight, I have the honor of being with Dr. Majid Behestani, an analyst of international developments and a professor and faculty member of Imam Hossein University, to fearlessly lift the veils. What led these two long-time enemies to sit at the negotiating table?

Latest developments in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in a conversation with Dr. Hassan Qashqavi, a former diplomat and member of the National Security and Foreign Policy Committee of the Islamic Consultative Assembly.

In a tense world and a volatile region, the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is under the microscope of public opinion and international analysts more than ever. From complex relations with global powers to Iran's role in regional equations, these raise important questions about the goals, achievements, and costs of the Islamic Republic's foreign policy. In a situation where threats from the United States and Israel, military movements in the region, and increasing tensions in the Persian Gulf have intensified, the fundamental question before us is: how is the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran defined in the face of a possible confrontation? What is the outlook of the Islamic Republic's foreign policy, especially in dealing with Trump's America? Engagement or confrontation?

Iran Without Water; The Alarm of Climate Collapse | How Did They Drive a Land to Death? With the presence of Mohammad Darvish, Senior Expert in Environment, Rangeland, and Watershed Management, and Environmental Activist.

Iran is thirsty, not only due to lack of rain but also due to lack of thought. Not only due to water scarcity but also due to the folly of a history that has forgotten water and soil. Tehran, the capital of Iran, now stands on the precipice of absolute waterlessness. Groundwater aquifers have been emptied. We look to the sky with supplication, and officials offer pumps and reservoirs. This is our concern. In the midst of this, the main question is not how much rain we have; the question is why we have no management. Why has no one thought of the future water rights? Who decided to sacrifice the fate of a land for development? And now the bells have tolled—not for someone else, not in another country. The bell of a land's end is right here, in the heart of Iran. The water crisis has passed from a crisis to the brink of climatic collapse.

The Role of Russia in the Iran-U.S. Nuclear Agreement" with the presence of Dr. Elaheh Koulaei, Professor of Regional Studies at the University of Tehran

In this dark theater of power, the roles are not pre-written, but the life and death of nations are determined in every unspoken dialogue. Every smile behind the glass table may conceal a shadow of betrayal, and the one who remains silent may be more dangerous than the one who shouts. Here, the truth lies not in what they say, but in what they do not say.

Israel's Hybrid War with Iran: From Mehdi Nassiri and Reza Pahlavi to the Way Out, featuring Hojjat-ol-Islam val-Moslemeen Mohammad-Taqi Akbarnejad, Lecturer at the Qom Seminary

Has the war ended? Or have we just entered its main phase? When the enemy no longer approaches from the border but strikes from other directions, how, who, and where does it collapse? Amidst fire and diplomacy, in a land that still smells of gunpowder, a fundamental question lies before us: How can one stand without being destroyed? How can one fight without being a warmonger?

Scenarios of the Islamic Republic in Open Diplomacy with America: A Conversation with Fadahossein Maleki, Member of the Parliament's National Security and Foreign Policy Commission.

In the geometry of global power, dialogue is sometimes a tool of peace and sometimes a mask for war. The Islamic Republic, from its very first days, has defined itself in opposition to what it calls imperialism and the hegemony system—namely, the United States. But throughout all these years, behind closed doors, the power of diplomacy has always been flowing: sometimes loudly, sometimes with sealed lips. Now, on the eve of major regional and global transformations, amid economic deadlocks and increasing social pressures, and while the world is experiencing a complex America led by Trump, it is watching this period's negotiations with Iran. The fundamental question is: what scenario does the Islamic Republic have in mind for confronting the United States under Trump's leadership? Has open diplomacy replaced covert policy?

See | The Inevitable Future of the Islamic Republic; From Protesters to Power Transfer; A Conversation with Faezeh Hashemi

Is it possible to escape the future? This is a very important question: is there any escape from the future or not? History is neither sleep nor fantasy; it is a stubborn reality that sometimes shows its face in the mirror of popular protests, sometimes in negotiations behind closed doors, and sometimes in the shadow of the comings and goings of leaders and their successors. The Islamic Republic, after nearly half a century, now seems to me to be standing in a purgatory between continuity and transition.

See | What future had Seyyed Mostafa Tajzadeh predicted for Iran? Reposted on the occasion of the 11th anniversary of his imprisonment.

Here it is from the YouTube channel of Abdi Media

Mehrdad Khansari: Mr. Pahlavi is not on the verge of occupying Iran or establishing a monarchy.

Such actions take time, and we must maintain our credibility.

Mehrdad Khansari: Personally, I cannot support the positions that have been announced by him.

As a fighter Iranian, I do not want him to get involved in issues that are beyond control or that contradict the position of a constitutional monarch.

Mehrdad Khansari: The program that Reza Pahlavi announced today for the transitional period is inconsistent with his previous principles.

During the years when I was alongside Reza Pahlavi, he was a democratic individual and did not fight for the restoration of the "monarchy".

Mehrdad Khansari: In the current situation, I do not see any alternative as practical in the short term.

The Islamic Republic is not on the verge of collapse.

Mehrdad Khansari: The issue for which an agreement must be reached is the replacement of the sovereignty of Velayat (Guardianship of the Jurist) with the sovereignty of the people.

The sidelining of Ayatollah Khamenei has "discredited" (made ambiguous or tainted) the concept of Velayat (Guardianship of the Jurist).

Mehrdad Khansari: Those who came with Khomeini and seized power diminished over time, and only 15-20 percent of them remain.

All the levers of power are in the hands of this 15-20 percent, and they run the country.

Mehrdad Khansari: In a situation that is neither war nor peace, the Islamic Republic is not more unstable.

Neither the Islamic Republic nor the US government wants to return to the battlefield.

Mehrdad Khansari: A foreign attack harms the work of constructive political forces and creates conditions where many people, for national reasons, stand behind the system.

The attack on Iran was against international law.

The selection of Mojtaba Khamenei as the leader of the Islamic Republic: what does it signify? An exclusive conversation with Mehrdad Khansari.

Mehrdad Khansari: The removal (or sidelining) of Ayatollah Khamenei has created a situation in which, if our nation is vigilant...

Is the current dissatisfaction of the people similar to the dissatisfaction of the people in 1979?

Mehrdad Khansari: The nature of the current dissatisfaction of the people is different from the past.

Mehrdad Khansari: The cause of the Shah's downfall was the dissatisfaction of the people.

The people wanted more political freedom, which was not available at that time.

Mehrdad Khansari: The Shah was a dictator politically, but he was not a brutal dictator.

The Shah intervened in two areas: matters related to foreign policy and military matters and the defense of the country.

Mehrdad Khansari: One of the differences between the rule of the Shah and the current rule is that the head of the country should not abandon his land.

During the time of the Shah, dissatisfaction could be curbed by providing financial facilities to the people.

Is public dissatisfaction with the government a "historical repetition"? Exclusive interview with Mehrdad Khansari

Mehrdad Khansari: Our country, at the time when Mohammad Reza Shah came to the throne, was a poor country.

Mojtaba Khamenei and the New Architecture of Power; Will the Third Generation of the Islamic Republic Be Consolidated? A Conversation with Hassan Etemadi, Political Analyst.

It is very clear that the Islamic Republic is at one of the most sensitive historical junctures. Therefore, we are going to discuss an issue that is important for the future of Iran, and the topic of our conversation is the structure of power in Iran. We know that after the attacks that took place in recent months, and after the killing of Ayatollah Khamenei and the transfer of leadership in a very strange and extraordinary process to his son, Mojtaba Khamenei, many now believe that the Islamic Republic has entered its third generation. Although to this day, we have not seen any live voice, image, photo, or even a live signature from the new leader. Has Iran entered the era of a military-security government? And can the new architecture of power stabilize the Islamic Republic system and the nascent system of Mojtaba Khamenei, or will new crises arise?

What is the biggest weakness of the Islamic Republic? Exclusive interview with Mehrdad Khansari

Mehrdad Khansari: The biggest weakness of the Islamic Republic is the lack of development and the creation of public dissatisfaction.

The Islamic Republic has made extensive use of the experiences of "1957".

The skill he had in construction, he did not have in "crisis management".

Watch | The Third Leader, War, and the Future of Iran; Is Reza Pahlavi the most important alternative to the Islamic Republic? In a conversation with Mehrdad Khansari, former diplomat and political analyst.

History is a testing ground for power, and in this testing ground, nations have repeatedly faced similar questions: when a political system enters a phase of erosion, or when for many it becomes conditional and reform is no longer enough, and for many the question arises as to when the survival of a government becomes its greatest issue, and more importantly, for many the question arises as to when the future separates from the past. Today, Iran is in one of the most sensitive periods of its contemporary history: the American and Israeli attack and the war that has changed the equations of the region, the killing of the second leader of the Islamic Republic, the emergence of the third leader of the Islamic Republic, changes in the balance of power within the establishment, the increasing role of security and military institutions, the intensification of political rifts, the current negotiations with the United States, and simultaneously, the return of the discussion of alternatives to the center of attention, and the return to a question that has loomed over Iranian politics for decades: Will the Islamic Republic pass through this historical turning point? If not, how will Iran's future be shaped?

Hossein Bayat: In such an emergency situation, there is no authorization for the government to become "self-satisfied" or "pleased with itself."

If the government continues its practice of raids, imprisonments, and house arrests, what we were worried about happening through a foreign attack will instead occur through "social collapse."

Hossein Bayat: Fundamental rights have always come into conflict with the ideological foundations of the Islamic Republic.

We are in an emergency situation in which the law is not observed.

Is the Islamic Republic in an "emergency" condition? Hossein Bayat responds.

Hossein Bayat: When the leader of the Islamic Republic is assassinated in the first second of the war, it means we are naturally in an emergency situation.

Hossein Bayat: Given the conditions in which the Islamic Republic finds itself, it cannot and does not want to be a defender of "fundamental rights."

The theoretical foundations of the Islamic Republic are fraught with conflict and contradiction.

Hossein Bayat: The discussion of "transition" is currently ruled out.

If there is to be a discussion of "transition," then the issue of "war" — which has already been defeated — must be raised again.

Reza Pahlavi, the Islamic Republic, and the War Trade — Shaghayegh Norouzi speaks frankly.

I want to speak on Abdi Media about one of the most complex and tense arenas of Iranian politics — a space between war and freedom, between the opposition and power, and between truth and the politics of commerce; about a society that has for years been suspended between anger, fear, hope, revenge, freedom, and collapse, and now stands at a point where it is simultaneously afraid of war, afraid of the continuation of the status quo, and afraid of a future of which it still has no clear image. In years when Iran is simultaneously entangled in internal crisis, external pressure, the threat of war, and the collapse of public trust, great questions remain — questions whose answers many might find important to know: Who truly speaks for Iran?

Shaghayegh Norouzi addressing Reza Pahlavi: You never understood what happened to your father and grandfather.

If you had understood, you wouldn't have relied one bit on foreign interference!

Shaghayegh Norouzi: The instrumental view of popular forces in both the current establishment and the opposition is similar to each other.

The binary of "people vs. government" is wrong and has led to war.

Shaghayegh Norouzi: I didn't think the current system's capability to fight in the war would be this much.

It cannot be said that those who are involved in the country's defense mechanism are necessarily the same people who suppressed the people in January

Watch | The Third Leader, War, and the Future of Iran; Is Reza Pahlavi the most important alternative to the Islamic Republic? In a conversation with Mehrdad Khansari, former diplomat and political analyst.

Watch on the Abdi Media YouTube channel.

Shaghayegh Norouzi: Right now, an authoritarian current has been created outside the borders of Iran.

Outside the country, the level of violence has risen so high that anyone who speaks "anti-war" cannot feel safe.

Iran After Ayatollah Khamenei | Mojtaba, Reza, Donald, Benjamin, Ahmad, or Mohammad Bagher: Who Will Shape the Future? A Conversation with Mohsen Sazegara, Political Analyst

Shaghayegh Norouzi: A Significant Portion of the Iranian People Are Desperately Seeking a Way Out of the Current Situation

Under these circumstances, someone like Reza Pahlavi can become "sacralized."

Shaqayegh Norouzi: I Do Not View Reza Pahlavi's Movement as a Revolution

They Lack the Authenticity, Foundations, and Ideals of a Genuine Revolution

Shaqayegh Norouzi: Pahlavi Is Neither Aligned with His Father's Model of Governance Nor with the Ideals for Which the People Have Struggled

The Pahlavi model of governance is based on a paternalistic and patriarchal style of rule.

Shagaig Nowrozi: The opposition abroad has not protected a decent culture for Iran

Free speech lives in safety

Shaghayegh Norouzi: The media carried out the war operation exceptionally well.

This entire affair of war is a "business."

Shaghayegh Norouzi: Pahlavi bears significant responsibility for the events of the month of Dey because he knows the regime wrongfully fires upon protesters.

In no movement have we had such facilitation for the issue of mass killing.

Shaghayegh Norouzi: A Popular Uprising Turned Into a Bridge Between Two Wars

This creature and her entire campaign view the existence of the Iranian human through a consumerist lens.

Shaghayegh Norouzi: December was one of the most tragic events in Iran’s contemporary history.

In December, an additional layer was added to the government's repression, and that was due to the role played by Pahlavi.

Shaghayegh Norouzi: Repression inside the country has led some people to accept war as a path for change.

The "dead ends" were translated into "insoluble" issues for the people

Shaghayegh Norouzi: People who have experienced “discrimination” are more prone to being “protesters.”

We need people who can stand against the waves.
 

Shaghayegh Norouzi: The theory that we should ignore all our standards simply because we oppose a political system is incorrect.

The path ahead does not lead to liberation.
 

Mohsen Sazegara: Leadership by a single individual in our society is neither feasible nor desirable.

Individual leadership is not desirable because such an event occurred in the Islamic Revolution.

Watch | War against Iran and its effects on fundamental rights; does war justify the suspension of citizens’ constitutional rights? A conversation with Dr. Hossein Bayat.

From the YouTube channel of Abdi Media

Mohsen Sazegara: The performance of the leader of the 1979 Revolution and Reza Pahlavi cannot be compared with one another.

The strength of revolutions is proportional to the strength of their leaders.

Mohsen Sazegara: A war involving someone as unpredictable as Trump will lead nowhere.

The waves of such a war are still on their way, and they will give rise to an “economic tsunami” in Iran.

Mohsen Sazegara: Reza Pahlavi created a disaster in his first test of leadership.

Reza Pahlavi turned his back on the “New Covenant” that he had previously presented.

Mohsen Sazegara: December is not in continuation of “Woman, Life, Freedom.”

Given the course of events in the country, it is natural that this government has no choice but to leave.
 

Tonight | War against Iran and its effects on fundamental rights; does war justify the suspension of citizens’ constitutional rights? In conversation with Dr. Hossein Bayat.

Saturday at 22:00 Iran time.

Mohsen Sazegara: The ideology of “jurisprudential Islam,” which is the structure of the government, has been defeated by the theory of “Woman, Life, Freedom.”

The Green Movement is the first movement in which people took to the streets for their civil rights without being called by the clergy.

The slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom” from the perspective of Mohsen Sazegara.

Mohsen Sazegara: The slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom” was a gift from our Kurdish compatriots, and this slogan is not accidental.

Mohsen Sazegara: The conditions in our society are revolutionary.

This revolution remained unfinished, but it achieved one of its demands, which is the issue of compulsory dress code and women’s rights.

Was the 1979 Revolution really a revolution? An exclusive interview with Mohsen Sazegara.

Mohsen Sazegara: Any process in which various segments of society, not just a single class, collectively enter the political arena and demand a change of government is a revolutionary process.
 

Mohsen Sazegara: Mohammad Reza Shah feared a religious uprising by clerics and therefore allowed them considerable freedom.

He created a suitable opportunity for religious opponents who were also ideologically equipped.
 

Reza Pahlavi, the Islamic Republic, and the business of war — Shaqayegh Norouzi speaks candidly.

From the Abdi Media YouTube channel.

Mohsen Sazegara: Mohammad Reza Pahlavi became a military dictator from June 5 and was no longer that constitutional king

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi dissolved all the parties.

Tonight | Reza Pahlavi, the Islamic Republic, and the War Trade: Shaghayegh Norouzi Speaks Frankly

Thursday at 20:30 Iran time on Abdi Media YouTube Channel

What was the difference between the 1979 Revolution model and Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s government?

Mohsen Sazegara: There were two main disputes with the Shah; they said he was an American puppet and that he did not implement Islamic jurisprudential rulings.

Mohsen Sazegara: Mr. Khomeini proposed a system in which a person called the “Supreme Jurist (Velayat-e Faqih)” has “god-like powers.”

I came to the conclusion that the problems of the Islamic Republic lie in clerical Islam (jurisprudential Islam).

Mohsen Sazegara: The problems of the Islamic Republic system are inherent to its nature, and this theory is manifested in the constitution.

During my time in Evin Prison, I became aware of the rumors about Lajevardi being a “butcher.”

Mohsen Sazegara: The journal Kiyan was one of the most successful intellectual projects in the country and addressed the problem of religion and rationality.

Mr. Khamenei used to say that the magazine *Kiyan* was a “dinosaur egg” and that a monster would emerge from it.
 

Where did the disagreements between Sazegara and Ayatollah Khamenei begin?

Mohsen Sazegara: I was working as an advisor at the Iran Data Processing Company; Mr. Khamenei issued an order from above that “so-and-so should no longer be there!”

Mohsen Sazegara: I told Hashemi Rafsanjani that you no longer have any excuse for the people, and that you must provide peace and comfort.

The confrontation with the United States and Israel was the axis of the Islamic Republic’s foreign policy.

Hassan Etemadi: A large percentage of monarchists will become disillusioned, and the public will not trust them either.

The national, freedom-seeking, and pro-democracy opposition must have a national media outlet; otherwise, they will fall behind.

Hassan Etemadi: The Islamic Republic is trying to ensure that Reza Pahlavi remains the only opposition figure on the political stage.

During the events of December (the “Dey protests”), Reza Pahlavi played a significant role in helping the Islamic Republic deal with its opponents.

Hassan Etemadi: Mojtaba Khamenei may act in a manner similar to Mohammed bin Salman.

If the Islamic Republic wants to survive, only the word “Islamic” should remain in its name.

Hassan Etemadi: If Mojtaba Khamenei Does Not Follow His Father’s Path, He Will Not Be Able to Survive.

Mr. Mojtaba's situation must also be clarified. It needs to be addressed. People cannot live with an unseen leader.

Hassan Etemadi: If the Clerics and the IRGC Do Not Change Their Colors, They Will Not Survive.

Religious governments always justify their political changes.

Hassan Etemadi: If a War Had Not Occurred, It Was Unlikely That Mojtaba Khamenei Would Become the Leader of the Islamic Republic.

It seems that even the reformists have come to accept Mojtaba’s leadership.

Hassan Etemadi: During the First Three Years of Manoto TV, Keyvan Abbasi Could Not Stand the Sight of Reza Pahlavi.

He changed his approach based on the will and request of the sponsors

Watch | Iran After Ali Khamenei | Mojtaba, Reza, Donald, Benjamin, Ahmad, or Mohammad Bagher — who will shape the future? A conversation with Mohsen Sazegara, political analyst.

From Abdi Media's YouTube channel

Hassan Etemadi: The events of January protests have no connection to the Pahlavi era.

Claiming that the Pahlavi era has ties to some members of the Revolutionary Guards is a joke.

Hassan Etemadi: Pahlavi neither wants nor can return to Iran

There is no basis for their return

Hassan Etemadi: According to the experience and existing conditions, Pahlavi will not come to Iran

America never seeks regime change in Iran

Hassan Etemadi: The war created several factions among the oppositions abroad

I don't think that the split and disagreement in the deep layers of the government will lead to collapse

Hassan Etemadi: Serious revisions must be made regarding political issues.

If the policies of the Islamic Republic continue, some Iranians abroad will not remain silent.

Hassan Etemadi: If the Islamic Republic wants to survive, it must gain the people’s consent; otherwise, it will not endure.

If they repeat their past actions, protests broader than those of “Deymah” (January protests) will occur in Iran.
 

Will the third generation of the Islamic Republic bring about changes?

Hassan Etemadi: The children of senior officials mostly live outside Iran and have undergone many changes.

Hassan Etemadi stated that a segment of the Revolutionary Guards intends to adjust the current conditions in accordance with the preferences and inclinations of the younger generation.

They understand that it is not possible to govern a country based on a set of ideological and religious frameworks.

Did Ayatollah Khamenei achieve his goals during his rule?

Hassan Etmadi: The Islamic Republic has been successful in missile production activities

Succession Crisis in the Islamic Republic; End or Temporary?

Can a miracle create fundamental changes in the structure?

Hassan Etemadi: The Islamic Republic considered hereditary rule to be one of the flaws of the monarchy, yet they ended up doing the very same thing.

Hereditary rule is one of the hallmarks of authoritarian governments.

Hassan Etemadi: The 1979 Revolution Was a Political Revolution

A government came to power that paid no attention to cultural and social issues and was solely focused on gaining political power.

See | Mojtaba Khamenei and the New Architecture of Power; Will the Third Generation of the Islamic Republic Be Established? Interview with Hassan Etemadi, Political Analyst

Now on Abdi Media's YouTube channel

Motaghi: The [December/January] incident had a completely tragic quality.

Reformist groups were unable to act as intermediate social forces and got caught up in the crisis themselves.

Motaghi: Israel should coordinate with America in strategy

  The regime change is related to the last stage and it is created in an environment where a full-scale war between Iran and America will be created.

Motaghi: The war will be tactical in nature and will be based on "power shift".

  Iran is the last link in the axis of evil that George Bush Jr. proposed (minus North Korea).

Motaghi: The probability that Reza Pahlavi will come to power in Iran is very limited

In Iran, a "transition" may be formed or a "power shift" may be created;  But in any case, Reza Pahlavi will not have a structural position

Motaghi: Iran will never experience the imperial atmosphere again

Reza Pahlavi has no will, authority, strategy and tactics

Motaghi: The Americans will never deploy military forces in Iran

Americans emphasize space control;  However, the Israelis' view is that the atmosphere should be made critical, violent and bloody

Motaghi: Trump is not looking for a full-scale war

  American military operations are for more bargaining and a more effective role in building power

Motaghi: Today there are many differences in Iran's social structure

  If the political processes in Iran become too radical, there will be violence that will cover the whole of Iran!

Motaghi: I consider Reza Pahlavi a stage tool

  In the coming months, we will see an escalation of violence

Motaghi: The separation of the construction of power from the social forces leads to the transformation of the foreign force into a "liberating actor".

  [In January] a large part of the social space felt that it could no longer have peaceful discourse formats.

Motaghi: Armed measures had no effect [in the victory of the 1978 revolution].

  The United States and France also used non-violent policies during that period

Motaghi: A system that is inefficient is more inclined to mechanical action

Motaghi: The current atmosphere bears a strong resemblance to August/September 1978.

Motaghi: No one can ignore the role of media and international factors in political subversion.

  The field of governance had a lot of opportunity and experience to heal wounds

Motaghi: The social structure in Iran has been transformed.

"Heroic Flexibility" means that when you cannot realize your politics, power, ideals, and patterns, you must accept what is imposed upon you!

Mottaqi: Over the past years, the political system has tried very hard to unify the space.

This mechanical integration is one of the main factors of structural fragility.

Mottaqi: The media created conditions for someone who was never a political activist to become bold.

What started in Iran will continue because none of the actors achieved their goals.

See: Pahlavi for Trump: End or Means? | Has Iran's defining moment begun?

With the presence of Dr. Ebrahim Motaghi, professor and faculty member of the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran

Roghani Zanjani: All government policies are reflected in the budget

The U.S. military budget is $4,800 billion, our military budget is $60 billion!

Saeed Zibakalam: I do not regret the 1978 Revolution.

The Islamic Republic is not subservient to any country.

Roghani Zanjani: First of all, I consider the current crisis to be an economic crisis

  The priority of saving the Muslim community from Israel is costly!

Saeed Zibakalam: With Reza Pahlavi's arrival, this situation of democracy, discrimination, embezzlement, and bribery will not be resolved.

  We, the political activists, are also affected by corruption and discrimination in the field of politics

Roghani Zanjani: A huge legitimacy gap has formed between the new generation and the previous generation

Hijab has now become a tool of resistance

Saeed Zibakalam: I am opposed to any sudden change enforced by force and physical means.

These practices will continue the cycle of authoritarian rule and authoritarian culture.

Saeed Zibakalam: Hassan Rouhani has committed plagiarism, lied, and tricked people!

He has neither the necessary university education [for the guardianship of the jurist] nor the necessary seminary knowledge.

Roghani Zanjani: You cannot tell the Houthis to fight and not provide them with resources!

  Strategic policies dictate the allocation of resources and indicate the strategic priority of governance

Saeed Zibakalam: As long as political and media activists stay silent, the current approach will continue.

I can easily imagine that this current Supreme Leader or the next Supreme Leader will revise everything that has been done so far.

Roghani Zanjani: The government's public revenues for this year are nearly 2,446 trillion rials.

The budget deficit for the first eight months of the year 2024 was 783 trillion rials.

Roghani Zanjani: This year's budget tries to prevent the crisis

The unemployment rate will increase by 12% in 2025

Saeed Zibakalam: The Guardianship of the Jurist is also a theory; don’t peg it to religion!

Some religious authorities and seminary scholars do not accept the guardianship of the jurist.

Saeed Zibakalam: We revolutionaries have made mistakes that we need to reconsider.

One of the factors behind the slogan 'Reza Shah, may your soul be happy' is the people's living conditions.

Saeed Zibakalam: Which of our political and press courts will be held with the presence of a jury?!

  How did Articles 26 and 27 get out of our constitution?!

Saeed Zibakalam: Today, without having a court, we actually have a court!

We have a court that has added "deception"—the third wing—to its existing "wealth and power."

Saeed Zibakalam: We turned our backs on republicanism, democracy, and political parties!

The decadent political culture of the monarchy slowly moved forward from February 1979 to March 1979.

Watch | 2026 Budget Against Livelihood; Rescue or Continuation of the Crisis? Featuring Masoud Roghani Zanjani

Saeed Zibakalam: I am sure many ministers and officials know a lot of things; but they don't reveal them until they feel the time is right!

When disorder arises, some members of parliament start talking; they bring up things from three, four, or ten years ago!

Saeed Zibakalam: During the Pahlavi era, we didn't have anything called culture or party activity

After the first step of the revolution, we had to move on to forming political parties.

Saeed Zibakalam: Our parties are either scripted or decorative!

I don't know of any powerful party in Iran.

Saeed Zibakalam: In the 1979 revolution, only one step of the revolution was taken

The 1979 revolution was nothing more than removing a number of important and influential political figures from the Shah's regime!

Watch/ Examining the obstacles of republicanism in the midst of structural reforms and political obstruction with the presence of Dr. Saeed Zibakalam, professor of philosophy at Tehran University

Abdolreza Davari: I believe that part of the future of the Islamic Republic lies in the ideas of Mr. Qalibaf

  The third leadership period will bring a transformation based on authority and pragmatism and moving towards development

Abdolreza Davari: I consider the issue of the monarchy returning to Iran to be out of the question

Mr. Reza Pahlavi has distanced himself significantly from the monarchy paradigm.

Abdolreza Davari: The officials of the Islamic Republic were themselves subversives before 1979!

The Islamic Republic knows how to contain protests because it was once a subversive government itself.

Abdolreza Davari: I see Mr. Pezeshkian's government—within the paradigm of governance—as being in a complete dead end.

The 2026 budget is a war budget.

Abdolreza Davari: Mr. Pezeshkian must either change his strategy or step aside.

Mr. Pezeshkian's government is a peacetime government.

Abdolreza Davari: Concentration of power reduces accountability; however, it must increase efficiency.

I believe that the Iranian people prefer a concentration of power that increases efficiency in proportion to that concentration.

Will the Islamic Republic collapse after Ayatollah Khamenei?

In the moment of an existential crisis, the entirety of society's religious forces—despite their criticisms—become a unified whole.

Abdolreza Davari: Structural reform is absolutely not part of Ayatollah Khamenei’s leadership paradigm.

Ayatollah Khamenei considers strategic retreat to be religiously forbidden (haram).

Abdolreza Davari: The third leadership will not deviate from the track established by the second leader.

There may be differences in some tactics; however, the track remains the "Second Step of the Revolution."

Abdolreza Davari: Sanctions have completely ruled out the possibility of regime change, uprisings, and popular revolutions in Iran.

A society that is fighting for its survival does not have the energy for structural change.

Abdolreza Davari: The Baqiyatallah al-Azam Headquarters is the implementer of the "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution."

I consider the "Chastity and Hijab Law" to be a part of the "society-building" process within the framework of the Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution.

Abdolreza Davari: From the perspective of the author of the "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution," the current crisis lies within the structure of the government.

My prediction is that the "Second Step of the Revolution" will bring about a structural change within the Islamic Republic.

Abdolreza Davari: What is proposed in the "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution" is not compatible with liberal democracy or pure republicanism.

The "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution" is a very transparent and clear document.

Abdolreza Davari: If our structural changes are based on the "Statement of the Second Step," responsibilities will become transparent.

Today, in the midst of various crises, you cannot hold anyone accountable.

Abdolreza Davari: The 20-year vision document could not function without a foreign policy compatible with the global order.

If our foreign policy had not entered into such conflicts, that document would have been achievable.

Abdolreza Davari: Since 2019, no power source has had the ability to influence the leadership's direction-setting.

After 2019, a period of undisputed space began for Ayatollah Khamenei.

Tonight Live | An Examination of the Obstacles to Republicanism Amidst Structural Reforms and Political Gridlock, featuring Dr. Saeed Zibakalam, Professor of Philosophy at the University of Tehran.

8:00 PM Iran Time

Watch | From the Second Phase of the Revolution to the Mystery of Power / The Mystery of the Future of the Islamic Republic After Ayatollah Khamenei; Collapse or Rebirth? Featuring Abdolreza Davari, Media Activist.

Live Tonight | From the Second Step of the Revolution to the Enigma of Power / The Enigma of the Future of the Islamic Republic After Ayatollah Khamenei: Collapse or Rebirth?

With the presence of Abdolreza Davari, media activist, at 20:00 Iran time.

Fazel Meybodi: The [Assembly of] Experts must seek advice from specialists outside the Assembly in the process of choosing the next leader.

This movement will not allow a person like Mr. Khatami to be considered for the next leadership.

Fazel Meybodi: The inner freedom that existed in the seminaries before the Revolution does not exist today.

For a peaceful transition from the second leadership to the third, Article 5 of the Constitution must be put to a referendum

Fazel Meybodi: There is a certain gang and group that wants to enforce Hijab in society through fines.

In our country, a movement has taken over sensitive positions that possesses neither political literacy nor the knowledge to manage society.

Fazel Meybodi: 50–60% of the country's problems lie in the issue of implementation.

Some flaws also stem from the structure of the government and the center of gravity of its policies.

Fazel Meybodi: The experience of religious government has not been a successful one.

If real criticism had been allowed, we would not have ended up here!

Fazel Meybodi: Political freedom in the IRIB (Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting) is not in the interest of certain eulogists and political and economic mafias.

The final word must be spoken by the wise members of society.

Fazel Meybodi: No one imagined that one year after the revolution, we would be facing the Kurdistan issue!

Mr. Khomeini's pre-revolutionary perspective was vastly different from his post-revolutionary outlook.

Fazel Meybodi: The Mojahedin-e Khalq and the Freedom Movement also believed that there is a concept of government in Islam.

The model for this government was Imam Ali, and its manifesto was the Nahj al-Balagha.

Fazel Meybodi: The rotation of power controls individual greed.

At the beginning of the Revolution, many leftists in their newspapers were saying "Bravo" to Khalkhali [for his executions]!

Fazel Meybodi: Ayatollah Khomeini's acceptance of the title "Imam" was not a new phenomenon in the culture of the clergy.

Ayatollah Khamenei did not possess the charismatic personality of the Imam.

Fazel Meybodi: No one recognized Ayatollah Khomeini as the "Vali-e Faqih" (Guardian Jurist); he was known as the Leader of the Revolution.

Ayatollah Khamenei did not possess the charismatic personality of the Imam (Khomeini).

Fazel Meybodi: [At the beginning of the revolution] no one had experience with Islamic rule

No one thought about the drawbacks of the path we were taking.

See | Islam and the Islamic Republic; The Future of a Governmental Reading

In the presence of Hajj Sheikh Mohammad Taqi Fazel Meybodi, member of the Qom Seminary's Researchers and Teachers' Assembly

Mahmoudian: I accept Mr. [Mehdi] Nasiri's change, but the change must be accompanied by providing reasons

If the judicial institution is formed during the transition period, these people will not be able to become His Majesty's lifeguard by shaving Judge Salavati's beard!

Mahmoudian: Mr. Khamenei is not meant to be the agent of change; he will also accept change by force

Personal weakness and the strength of the other party can be two factors that cause the government to retreat.

Mahmoudian: Our goal in political action is to reduce repression and costs

Violence against the force of oppression intensifies oppression.

Mahmoudian: If our people do not share in development and power, they will ruin the game

We cannot have Bin Salman in our society.

Mahmoudian: My issue is not Mr. Khamenei; my issue is the transition to a democratic system

The Islamic Republic's greatest weakness is the authority of the jurist.

Mahmoudian: The government's balance has become so heavy that it doesn't even see the people!

Mr. Jannati will still be in office even if he is 200 years old, because he has power.

Mahmoudian: The ruling structure of Iran did not have the capacity and capacity for reform

Three types of change are possible: reform, revolution, and transition.

Mahmoudian: Those who say "Long live Mr. Pahlavi!" become idols!

Mr. [Mehdi] Nasiri is the one who was replaced by Hossein Shariatmadari to prevent his extremism!

Listen | Jurisprudence and Social Sciences; One-sided Love

Interview with Majid Behestani

Listen | Prostitution and Social Crises | Sexual Wisdom Program at Studio Pot

Saeed Madani in conversation with Yasser Arab

Mahmoudian: Nothing should remain of the Islamic Republic!

The type of future system is of secondary importance to me.

Mahmoudian: What happened in the 1979 revolution was a people's uprising against inefficiency

The result of this change was disastrous!
 

See: From Compulsion to Change to Responsibility to Choose: Democratic Transition or Repetition of Tyranny

With the presence of a conversation with Mehdi Mahmoudian, activist and political prisoner
 

Soleimani Ardestani: I do not believe in clerical rule.

It is possible that when the "white smoke" emerges, it will be completely contrary to our expectations.

Soleimani Ardestani: You will not be able to speak to these people about religious government for the next few hundred years!

Perhaps if a personality like Mr. Khatami were to become a temporary leader [for a transition to democracy], the people might accept it.

Soleimani Ardestani: Among the current clergy, I do not see anyone who possesses the competence to govern the country.

The clergy currently do not even have the competence to preach in mosques!