Rumble

Israel's Hybrid War with Iran: From Mehdi Nassiri and Reza Pahlavi to the Way Out, featuring Hojjat-ol-Islam val-Moslemeen Mohammad-Taqi Akbarnejad, Lecturer at the Qom Seminary

Has the war ended? Or have we just entered its main phase? When the enemy no longer approaches from the border but strikes from other directions, how, who, and where does it collapse? Amidst fire and diplomacy, in a land that still smells of gunpowder, a fundamental question lies before us: How can one stand without being destroyed? How can one fight without being a warmonger?

See | Mojtaba Khamenei and the New Architecture of Power; Will the Third Generation of the Islamic Republic Be Established? Interview with Hassan Etemadi, Political Analyst

Now on Abdi Media's YouTube channel

Motaghi: The [December/January] incident had a completely tragic quality.

Reformist groups were unable to act as intermediate social forces and got caught up in the crisis themselves.

Motaghi: Israel should coordinate with America in strategy

  The regime change is related to the last stage and it is created in an environment where a full-scale war between Iran and America will be created.

Motaghi: The war will be tactical in nature and will be based on "power shift".

  Iran is the last link in the axis of evil that George Bush Jr. proposed (minus North Korea).

Motaghi: The probability that Reza Pahlavi will come to power in Iran is very limited

In Iran, a "transition" may be formed or a "power shift" may be created;  But in any case, Reza Pahlavi will not have a structural position

Motaghi: Iran will never experience the imperial atmosphere again

Reza Pahlavi has no will, authority, strategy and tactics

Motaghi: The Americans will never deploy military forces in Iran

Americans emphasize space control;  However, the Israelis' view is that the atmosphere should be made critical, violent and bloody

Motaghi: Trump is not looking for a full-scale war

  American military operations are for more bargaining and a more effective role in building power

Motaghi: Today there are many differences in Iran's social structure

  If the political processes in Iran become too radical, there will be violence that will cover the whole of Iran!

Motaghi: I consider Reza Pahlavi a stage tool

  In the coming months, we will see an escalation of violence

Motaghi: The separation of the construction of power from the social forces leads to the transformation of the foreign force into a "liberating actor".

  [In January] a large part of the social space felt that it could no longer have peaceful discourse formats.

Motaghi: Armed measures had no effect [in the victory of the 1978 revolution].

  The United States and France also used non-violent policies during that period

Motaghi: A system that is inefficient is more inclined to mechanical action

Motaghi: The current atmosphere bears a strong resemblance to August/September 1978.

Motaghi: No one can ignore the role of media and international factors in political subversion.

  The field of governance had a lot of opportunity and experience to heal wounds

Motaghi: The social structure in Iran has been transformed.

"Heroic Flexibility" means that when you cannot realize your politics, power, ideals, and patterns, you must accept what is imposed upon you!

Mottaqi: Over the past years, the political system has tried very hard to unify the space.

This mechanical integration is one of the main factors of structural fragility.

Mottaqi: The media created conditions for someone who was never a political activist to become bold.

What started in Iran will continue because none of the actors achieved their goals.

See: Pahlavi for Trump: End or Means? | Has Iran's defining moment begun?

With the presence of Dr. Ebrahim Motaghi, professor and faculty member of the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran

Listen | A major revelation by Ali Shakouri-Rad, former Sixth Parliament MP and former Secretary-General of the Union of Islamic Iran People Party, about the regime’s organized suppression

Roghani Zanjani: All government policies are reflected in the budget

The U.S. military budget is $4,800 billion, our military budget is $60 billion!

Saeed Zibakalam: I do not regret the 1978 Revolution.

The Islamic Republic is not subservient to any country.

Roghani Zanjani: First of all, I consider the current crisis to be an economic crisis

  The priority of saving the Muslim community from Israel is costly!

Saeed Zibakalam: With Reza Pahlavi's arrival, this situation of democracy, discrimination, embezzlement, and bribery will not be resolved.

  We, the political activists, are also affected by corruption and discrimination in the field of politics

Roghani Zanjani: A huge legitimacy gap has formed between the new generation and the previous generation

Hijab has now become a tool of resistance

Saeed Zibakalam: I am opposed to any sudden change enforced by force and physical means.

These practices will continue the cycle of authoritarian rule and authoritarian culture.

Saeed Zibakalam: Hassan Rouhani has committed plagiarism, lied, and tricked people!

He has neither the necessary university education [for the guardianship of the jurist] nor the necessary seminary knowledge.

Roghani Zanjani: You cannot tell the Houthis to fight and not provide them with resources!

  Strategic policies dictate the allocation of resources and indicate the strategic priority of governance

Saeed Zibakalam: As long as political and media activists stay silent, the current approach will continue.

I can easily imagine that this current Supreme Leader or the next Supreme Leader will revise everything that has been done so far.

Roghani Zanjani: The government's public revenues for this year are nearly 2,446 trillion rials.

The budget deficit for the first eight months of the year 2024 was 783 trillion rials.

Roghani Zanjani: This year's budget tries to prevent the crisis

The unemployment rate will increase by 12% in 2025

Saeed Zibakalam: The Guardianship of the Jurist is also a theory; don’t peg it to religion!

Some religious authorities and seminary scholars do not accept the guardianship of the jurist.

Saeed Zibakalam: We revolutionaries have made mistakes that we need to reconsider.

One of the factors behind the slogan 'Reza Shah, may your soul be happy' is the people's living conditions.

Saeed Zibakalam: Which of our political and press courts will be held with the presence of a jury?!

  How did Articles 26 and 27 get out of our constitution?!

Saeed Zibakalam: Today, without having a court, we actually have a court!

We have a court that has added "deception"—the third wing—to its existing "wealth and power."

Saeed Zibakalam: We turned our backs on republicanism, democracy, and political parties!

The decadent political culture of the monarchy slowly moved forward from February 1979 to March 1979.

Watch | 2026 Budget Against Livelihood; Rescue or Continuation of the Crisis? Featuring Masoud Roghani Zanjani

Saeed Zibakalam: I am sure many ministers and officials know a lot of things; but they don't reveal them until they feel the time is right!

When disorder arises, some members of parliament start talking; they bring up things from three, four, or ten years ago!

Saeed Zibakalam: During the Pahlavi era, we didn't have anything called culture or party activity

After the first step of the revolution, we had to move on to forming political parties.

Saeed Zibakalam: Our parties are either scripted or decorative!

I don't know of any powerful party in Iran.

Saeed Zibakalam: In the 1979 revolution, only one step of the revolution was taken

The 1979 revolution was nothing more than removing a number of important and influential political figures from the Shah's regime!

Watch/ Examining the obstacles of republicanism in the midst of structural reforms and political obstruction with the presence of Dr. Saeed Zibakalam, professor of philosophy at Tehran University

Abdolreza Davari: I believe that part of the future of the Islamic Republic lies in the ideas of Mr. Qalibaf

  The third leadership period will bring a transformation based on authority and pragmatism and moving towards development

Abdolreza Davari: I consider the issue of the monarchy returning to Iran to be out of the question

Mr. Reza Pahlavi has distanced himself significantly from the monarchy paradigm.

Abdolreza Davari: The officials of the Islamic Republic were themselves subversives before 1979!

The Islamic Republic knows how to contain protests because it was once a subversive government itself.

Abdolreza Davari: I see Mr. Pezeshkian's government—within the paradigm of governance—as being in a complete dead end.

The 2026 budget is a war budget.

Abdolreza Davari: Mr. Pezeshkian must either change his strategy or step aside.

Mr. Pezeshkian's government is a peacetime government.

Abdolreza Davari: Concentration of power reduces accountability; however, it must increase efficiency.

I believe that the Iranian people prefer a concentration of power that increases efficiency in proportion to that concentration.

Will the Islamic Republic collapse after Ayatollah Khamenei?

In the moment of an existential crisis, the entirety of society's religious forces—despite their criticisms—become a unified whole.

Abdolreza Davari: Structural reform is absolutely not part of Ayatollah Khamenei’s leadership paradigm.

Ayatollah Khamenei considers strategic retreat to be religiously forbidden (haram).

Abdolreza Davari: In the new era, the IRGC will have the upper hand over the clergy.

Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic, two power blocks, the "Clergy" and the "Hezbollah and the IRGC," have maintained a clear presence.

Abdolreza Davari: The third leadership will not deviate from the track established by the second leader.

There may be differences in some tactics; however, the track remains the "Second Step of the Revolution."

Abdolreza Davari: Sanctions have completely ruled out the possibility of regime change, uprisings, and popular revolutions in Iran.

A society that is fighting for its survival does not have the energy for structural change.

Abdolreza Davari: The Baqiyatallah al-Azam Headquarters is the implementer of the "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution."

I consider the "Chastity and Hijab Law" to be a part of the "society-building" process within the framework of the Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution.

Abdolreza Davari: From the perspective of the author of the "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution," the current crisis lies within the structure of the government.

My prediction is that the "Second Step of the Revolution" will bring about a structural change within the Islamic Republic.

Abdolreza Davari: What is proposed in the "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution" is not compatible with liberal democracy or pure republicanism.

The "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution" is a very transparent and clear document.

Abdolreza Davari: If our structural changes are based on the "Statement of the Second Step," responsibilities will become transparent.

Today, in the midst of various crises, you cannot hold anyone accountable.

Abdolreza Davari: The 20-year vision document could not function without a foreign policy compatible with the global order.

If our foreign policy had not entered into such conflicts, that document would have been achievable.

Abdolreza Davari: Since 2019, no power source has had the ability to influence the leadership's direction-setting.

After 2019, a period of undisputed space began for Ayatollah Khamenei.

Watch | From the Second Phase of the Revolution to the Mystery of Power / The Mystery of the Future of the Islamic Republic After Ayatollah Khamenei; Collapse or Rebirth? Featuring Abdolreza Davari, Media Activist.

Fazel Meybodi: The [Assembly of] Experts must seek advice from specialists outside the Assembly in the process of choosing the next leader.

This movement will not allow a person like Mr. Khatami to be considered for the next leadership.

Fazel Meybodi: The inner freedom that existed in the seminaries before the Revolution does not exist today.

For a peaceful transition from the second leadership to the third, Article 5 of the Constitution must be put to a referendum

Fazel Meybodi: There is a certain gang and group that wants to enforce Hijab in society through fines.

In our country, a movement has taken over sensitive positions that possesses neither political literacy nor the knowledge to manage society.

Fazel Meybodi: 50–60% of the country's problems lie in the issue of implementation.

Some flaws also stem from the structure of the government and the center of gravity of its policies.

Fazel Meybodi: The experience of religious government has not been a successful one.

If real criticism had been allowed, we would not have ended up here!

Fazel Meybodi: Political freedom in the IRIB (Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting) is not in the interest of certain eulogists and political and economic mafias.

The final word must be spoken by the wise members of society.

Fazel Meybodi: No one imagined that one year after the revolution, we would be facing the Kurdistan issue!

Mr. Khomeini's pre-revolutionary perspective was vastly different from his post-revolutionary outlook.

Fazel Meybodi: The Mojahedin-e Khalq and the Freedom Movement also believed that there is a concept of government in Islam.

The model for this government was Imam Ali, and its manifesto was the Nahj al-Balagha.

Fazel Meybodi: The rotation of power controls individual greed.

At the beginning of the Revolution, many leftists in their newspapers were saying "Bravo" to Khalkhali [for his executions]!

Fazel Meybodi: Ayatollah Khomeini's acceptance of the title "Imam" was not a new phenomenon in the culture of the clergy.

Ayatollah Khamenei did not possess the charismatic personality of the Imam.

Fazel Meybodi: No one recognized Ayatollah Khomeini as the "Vali-e Faqih" (Guardian Jurist); he was known as the Leader of the Revolution.

Ayatollah Khamenei did not possess the charismatic personality of the Imam (Khomeini).

Mahmoudian: I accept Mr. [Mehdi] Nasiri's change, but the change must be accompanied by providing reasons

If the judicial institution is formed during the transition period, these people will not be able to become His Majesty's lifeguard by shaving Judge Salavati's beard!

Mahmoudian: Mr. Khamenei is not meant to be the agent of change; he will also accept change by force

Personal weakness and the strength of the other party can be two factors that cause the government to retreat.

Mahmoudian: Our goal in political action is to reduce repression and costs

Violence against the force of oppression intensifies oppression.

Mahmoudian: If our people do not share in development and power, they will ruin the game

We cannot have Bin Salman in our society.

Mahmoudian: My issue is not Mr. Khamenei; my issue is the transition to a democratic system

The Islamic Republic's greatest weakness is the authority of the jurist.

Mahmoudian: The government's balance has become so heavy that it doesn't even see the people!

Mr. Jannati will still be in office even if he is 200 years old, because he has power.

Mahmoudian: Nothing should remain of the Islamic Republic!

The type of future system is of secondary importance to me.

Soleimani Ardestani: I do not believe in clerical rule.

It is possible that when the "white smoke" emerges, it will be completely contrary to our expectations.

Soleimani Ardestani: You will not be able to speak to these people about religious government for the next few hundred years!

Perhaps if a personality like Mr. Khatami were to become a temporary leader [for a transition to democracy], the people might accept it.

Soleimani Ardestani: Among the current clergy, I do not see anyone who possesses the competence to govern the country.

The clergy currently do not even have the competence to preach in mosques!

Soleimani Ardestani: I am very optimistic about the Iranian nation.

The people weigh the country's best interests and make decisions rationally.

Soleimani Ardestani: It is not clear what will emerge from this very Assembly of Experts 24 hours after the passing of the current Leader.

A hypocritical society cannot be predicted.

Soleimani Ardestani: If Mr. Khamenei changes his approach, I too will become his supporter.

With this current direction, I am not optimistic [about reaching the third leadership].

Soleimani Ardestani: Islam no longer holds a place in the minds of the majority of our society's youth today.

For these 46 years, we have been paying the price for a single mistake (the occupation of the U.S. Embassy).

Soleimani Ardestani: What is being interpreted as Velayat-e Faqih today is a catastrophe!

Throughout history, the majority of Shiite jurists believed that something called Velayat-e Faqih (in the sense of the rule of the jurist) does not exist.

Soleimani Ardestani: This system has not achieved its goals and has caused severe damage to both the religion and the worldly lives of the people.

I believe in fundamental reforms.

Soleimani Ardastani: The Islamic Republic has been transformed into an individual rule (or a one-person government).

I believe there is no such thing as an Islamic Government!

Soleimani Ardastani: Ayatollah Mesbah (Yazdi) was fiercely in favor of individual rule (authoritarian rule/monocracy).

Among traditional scholars, Ayatollah Mesbah (Yazdi) had the worst reaction (or attitude/approach) toward the new human rights system.

Soleimani Ardastani: The Leader told Mr. Mesbah (Yazdi) that he is the Motahhari of our time!

The only commonality I see between these two people is that both of their turbans are white!

Soleimani Ardastani: The Islamic Republic's interpretation (reading) of Islam is an unprecedented interpretation.

In this interpretation, a republic has been formed in which the people have no role whatsoever (are powerless).

Soleimani Ardastani: The security offices the Special Clerical Court, and so on, have had one achievement, and that is fostering hypocrisy!

[These agencies] have turned human beings into hypocrites who speak according to the government's wishes, but their belief is something else.

Soleimani Ardastani: Someone on television portrayed Imam Ali and the Prophet as ill-tempered and disagreeable; yet, not a single voice was raised from the seminary !

When ethics disappear, commitment also disappears; this is how corruption becomes widespread and institutionalized.

Soleimani Ardastani: I was prepared for the insults and accusations.

My hypothesis was that the reading (interpretation) presented of Shia Islam destroys ethics.

Soleimani Ardastani: Whenever religion has taken charge of government, it has been harmed itself.

What I have seen in these 48 years is completely consistent with my studies in the history of religions.

Watch: Spinoza of Iran? | The Future of Islam in the Islamic Republic featuring Haj Sheikh Abdolrahim Soleimani Ardastani

Researcher of religions, retired professor at Mofid University, and former member of the Assembly of Lecturers and Researchers of the Qom Seminary.

Zibakalam: The economy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is a corrupt and inefficient state economy.

Everything in the Islamic Republic is state-owned

Zibakalam: You can in no way stop fuel smuggling.

Arab countries are sleeping on money (extremely wealthy), but even there, gasoline is 60–70 cents.

Zibakalam: The government of the Islamic Republic buys imported gasoline for 80-90 thousand Tomans per liter and sells it for 5 thousand Tomans!

The annual budget of Iran's Department of Environment is only 80 billion Rials

Zibakalam: In the past forty years, many dictatorial regimes have moved towards democracy.

Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Turkey, and Pakistan should not be compared with Norway.

Zibakalam: Velayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist) has shown that it is completely incompatible with the principles and foundations of democracy.

I have not seen any authoritarian system throughout history that has endured.

Zibakalam: The establishment, generally, does not feel that it has a problem!

Showing the solution and settling the matter with the establishment (Nezam) is not important for him.

Zibakalam: In a society where over seventy percent have issues with the governance, an incident like the story of Mahsa could happen at any moment.

I have not seen a single person in the streets who supports the establishment  

Zibakalam: The main reason for Tajzadeh remaining in prison is that he addressed the Leader personally.

Khatami, Mar'ashi, Aref, and... also do not dare to voice the things Tajzadeh says.

Sadegh Zibakalam's narrative of the memorial service for Mostafa Tajzadeh's brother

Zibakalam: The establishment and the officials were not very pleased with the welcome/reception (shown by) the people and the famous figures.

See: Iran pregnant with incidents?! With the presence of Dr. Sadegh Zibakalam, professor of political science at the university

Live Tonight / Iran Pregnant with Events?! With the presence of Dr. Sadegh Zibakalam, Professor of Political Science at the University

19:30 Iran time

Simorgh | Intellectualism, Power, and the Deadlock of Republic in Iran – Conversation between Mehdi Motaharnia and Sadegh Zibakalam

In a conversation with Sadegh Zibakalam, we examine the narrative of intellectualism, power, and the challenges of republicanism in present and future Iran. He believes that society must learn that it is possible to engage in dialogue on important issues despite differences and distinctions. Zibakalam, who for years has defended the right to vote, political participation, and dialogue with the system, now faces a part of society’s disillusionment with this approach and explicitly asks: Was the previous approach during the terms of Mr. Rouhani and Pezeshkian correct or mistaken? What are the reasons, and how can they be interpreted and justified?

Sheikh Nasser Naqavian: You have controlled all aspects of this country for 45 years; what has been the result?!

The place of ethics in our governance and politics is missing!

Sheikh Naser Naqavian: Concentration of power must be eliminated.

If the government wants to regain its lost popularity, it must first engage in a transparent and fearless dialogue with intellectuals.

Simorgh | Wisdom, Governance, Identity — a conversation between Mehdi Motaharnia and Dr. Ali-Asghar Pourazzat on Abdi Media

In the latest episode of Simorgh, Dr. Mehdi Motaharnia hosts Dr. Ali-Asghar Pourazzat, a prominent professor of management at the University of Tehran. The conversation begins with sharp criticisms and candid responses, and then shifts to broader discussions on public trust, wisdom, and governance in today’s Iran. The session examines topics ranging from capitulation and structural corruption to the decline of public trust and the meaning of public administration under current circumstances.

Sheikh Nasser Naqavian: Those gentlemen who sit in the seminaries and issue fatwas should come with me to the classrooms and the streets!

Note: This episode of Simorgh, produced by Abdollah Abdi, was recorded before the Israeli attack on Iran.

Listen | Simorgh | Ethics, Future Governance, and Fiqh – a conversation between Mehdi Motaharnia and Sheikh Nasser Naqavian.

Sheikh Nasser Naqavian: If a jurist can advance their thinking to the level of the community’s intellectual leaders, the people will accept them.

In the Constitution, alongside the term “jurists,” the phrase “fully qualified” is also mentioned.

Listen: Simorgh | Economy, Justice, Hidden Collapse — a conversation between Mehdi Motaharnia and Dr. Hossein Raghfar on Abdi Media

Structural corruption, the banking system trapped in the grip of security institutions, and the education crisis; Hossein Raghfar warns bluntly in an interview that if military institutions and ruling foundations do not step aside from the economy, there will be no hope for the country’s political survival.

Sheikh Naser Naqavian: In Ayatollah Khomeini’s view, music was absolutely forbidden!

If our seminary cannot update itself, it is doomed to the same fate that priests and clergy of other religions have faced.

Sheikh Nasser Naqavian: We are not seeking a revolt or reform in the sense of a revolution; rather, we aim for a structural reform.

These people have seen enough blood and bloodshed; they cannot bear another disorder — in which the blood of innocents would be spilled.

Sadegh Zibakalam: If I see a reason to depart from [my beliefs], I will certainly do so.

The three words that will shape Iran’s future: abandoning resentment, hatred, and malice.

Sadeq Zibakalaam: Our biggest problem is understanding the developments in our own society!

Note: This season of the Simorgh program, produced by Abdullah Abdi, was produced before the Israeli attack on Iran.