Will the Islamic Republic accept the referendum? With the presence of Parvaneh Salahshouri, sociologist and former member of parliament

Will the Islamic Republic accept my referendum?

Abdi Medya: Can the current structure redefine itself? Or will it have to bow to the pressure of change? I have spent several days discussing the referendum proposal put forward by Engineer Mir Hossein Mousavi and many intellectuals and political and legal figures, as well as the Constituent Assembly debate. Once again, this question is at the center of the national conversation. Will the Islamic Republic accept my referendum under the current conditions? This is an important and fundamental question that I am seeking an answer to. Does the Islamic Republic have the capacity and will to hold a free and transparent referendum?

Salahshouri: This is a very important issue. Ultimately, whether the Islamic Republic of Iran will accept the referendum or this referendum will be held, it makes no difference. In spite of the Islamic Republic's insistence on a different form, this referendum will be held. Those who seek a peaceful transition prefer that this referendum be accepted within the existing structure, and this does not mean that the regime's agents themselves want to hold a referendum. Today, I thought that of the few people who have spoken about the referendum from the power circle and in the power institution, it was Tetah Nazif who said that if a referendum is held, will you accept its results? That is, they have raised this issue but have already determined the result. Just as you did not accept the elections that were held in 2009, if a referendum is held now, its results will not be accepted. In other cases, we see fewer people who have a strong presence in terms of governance and have not made any serious comments. Most cyber networks and groups like this have entered the issue. Whether they agree to hold a referendum within the system comes down to the issue of the balance of power between the nation and the government.

Mahsa Movement and the Irreversibility of Society

In the insistence of the people on some of their demands, although they were not easily achieved, this insistence was accompanied by popular movements and bloodshed, but we can now see its effects in society. After the Mahsa Movement, our country never returned to its previous conditions. Despite the insistence of groups who wanted to accept that the conditions were the same as before, we saw that the wall collapsed and no matter how many bills and laws they drafted to bring back the hijab, this did not happen. While I remember when I was in the parliament discussing the daughters of the revolution, Ms. Movahed was standing under the lampposts. I said that these girls are our own children who raise such issues. They are from inside Iran and have such a request. The reaction was severe when these children took the line from foreigners. Now that the referendum has been raised, we have seen what happened because of a girl who even wore a normal hijab and what an unprecedented movement was created.

Background of the referendum discussion; From the Parliament to Mousavi's Statement

Two years ago, Mir Hossein Mousavi had mentioned the issue of the Constituent Assembly and the referendum. I myself had raised the issue of the referendum in the open court of the Parliament in 2018. Among the solutions I had presented and presented the same solutions to Mr. Khamenei, I had told them to implement these changes. My first solution was the issue of the referendum, which stated that the principles of the Constitution that contradict the republic must be reviewed. I had raised responsibility and accountability, free broadcasting, the release of political prisoners, amnesty for Iranians abroad, general amnesty, free media, etc. in 2018. Now, in 2018, Mir Hossein raised these issues. Now, after the 12-day war, these issues have been taken very seriously. Despite the fact that we have a society in which trust has been severely disrupted, the reactions to this statement were good, in such a way that it was able to create an elite consensus, and on the other hand, its influence spread across different classes. Because we do not have free media, there is also no ability to conduct surveys. We are not aware of the spread of this issue.

The reactions that have been made by the government show that this voice has been heard by the people and there is a demand. After the revolution of 1979, people are afraid of revolution, they are afraid of any change without knowing what lies behind it, for this reason they will not easily accept the revolution and change, except for the change that is stated in the Mir Hossein statement, that is, the establishment of a Constituent Assembly and a referendum are held and through this the people participate. If this participation is formed, the people will enter, and otherwise, even in the case of the Mahsa movement, whose social and political scope encompassed the entire country, we saw that movements such as the labor movement and the teachers or the urban middle classes did not join.

Reactions to the statement and the position of the reformists

Abdi Medya: This issue is gradually being discussed in circles. At first, there was an attempt to make this statement irrelevant. In any case, in the words of many people, the person himself is not very important in this plan because it is unlikely that Mr. Mir Hossein Mousavi will be the leader of a government. Many are more looking for an idea. This idea needs a voice to represent the idea. The statement of many intellectuals has also raised a similar issue to this statement, and voices can be heard alongside it that could be an extension of this view. Is the reformists' statement an extension of this statement? The Reform Front issued a statement and mentioned several points, and strange positions have been taken against us, especially from those who once saw themselves in the guise of reformists, but now the hand of power has appointed them to positions.

Salahshouri: I believe that the Reform Front has incorporated various approaches since its formation, and the discussion of being a front is derived from this, but for a long time one side was giving in to the other side and the game was not going well. Apparently, it has become such that some people no longer see reformism in this capacity. Since today, when my interview with Radio Farda was published, there has been a lot of controversy and many have linked it to the reformists' statement, while for years I have not had any organizational connection with the reformists. I announced my personal positions. The fact that the reformists issued such a statement a few days ago is interesting because it is the same speech that I had made in 2018. There is even a line-by-line similarity between the statement and my speech in 2018.

Salahshouri: From Reformism to Transformation

Abdi Madia: Were you a reformist before?

Salahshouri: I was a reformist, now the scope of reformism has been defined and since the reformist movement was formed, I am considered a reformist in a way. In the reformist discourse, there is some objection to the structure, but I will not go into it further. Meanwhile, now the peaceful transition is being discussed, while the statement did not say anything like that. The objection they raised was not in the domestic sphere, but in the foreign sphere, where the issue of suspending enrichment was emphasized by the reformists, and some have considered themselves acquitted. I think that expressing an opinion is free. They may consider themselves reformists, and the reformist friends who issued this statement do not consider themselves reformists because the reformist movement did not have a proper manifesto. They have read these events, but it seems that a deep attitude has been formed among the reformist movement that if it is not said today, tomorrow will be too late. Because we are in a fragile, very fragile ceasefire, our territorial integrity may be violated. If people remain silent in their homes because the conditions were complicated, it is not known what will happen now. On the other hand, it is not even known. To what extent is the government capable of responding? Missile power came to Iran's aid and the retreat took place from both sides. Despite the fact that our airspace was a highway during the war, we cannot ignore the efforts of the military forces. On the other hand, during the war, the discussion of nationalism, cohesion, solidarity, etc. was prominent. At the same time, we said that there was no solidarity around the government. The people had entered the field to defend their country. The people had no shelter, they were war-torn, helpless, and abandoned. Now we see that the reformist front thought to itself that there might not be a tomorrow at all. It was also mentioned in the statement that we should act before it is too late. They also expressed their opinion in a reformist manner, but various pressures have come; on the one hand, some who declared their innocence, a party like Neda considered itself separate, on the other hand, cyber armies are attacking from all sides. There are many attacks on this reformist statement. Various comments are being made against this statement at any moment. An organized attack has been made on the reformist front.

Another group believes that the reformist movement does not have the reputation to issue a statement.

Abdi Medya: Do you think it has any reputation?

Salahshouri: I think reputation and credibility are relative. Reformists, just like when we say that the cybers or the population that supports the current government constitute 10 to 15 percent, the reformist movement also has its own supporters, in addition to having institutional supporters, their difference with the revolutionary movement is that the reformist movement is an institutional movement that consists of different parties that play an important role in the crisis. If they have come to the idea that in such circumstances, demands should be made, why should this demand be rejected? As someone who has distanced myself from conventional reformism but has taken any action that can express their opinions in accordance with the social body and public opinion, this statement shows that they have brought themselves closer to public opinion and should not be rejected. The more the reform movement can play a prominent role and those who can help the movement in this system, I think it will be helpful.

Referendum in the Bazangah of War

Abdi Medya: In these conditions of the country, which are conditions of war, there should be no talk of a referendum in principle, and you believe that the issue of a referendum should be raised. The reason for the critics is that there is war in a situation of war, why is there talk of a referendum and transition? The issue of preserving Iran is more important.

Salahshouri: We have been living in a sensitive situation for 46 years. Has there ever been a year when we were not told not to talk? The situation is like this right now. Whenever you choose to talk, such an answer is ready. That is, we should never talk because it is not pleasant. For this reason, we should not talk. In my opinion, Mir Hossein's statement was published in Bazangah because if something happens during this war, the formation of a constituent assembly and holding a referendum are inevitable. So, how better to clarify its mechanism? The ways out of the current impasse should be put to public votes, so that we can at least leave it to public opinion.

According to those within the system and those with a stake in power, there will never be a time for any discussion, not just the referendum debate. Any protest or statement will be met with resistance.

Possibility of changing the regime through war

Abdi Medya: How likely would you think that a war or military attack would lead to a change in the regime?

Salahshouri: On March 11, I tweeted that the Islamic Republic says, "No war, no negotiations, sir," and that "either war or negotiations," and exactly three months later, the war happened. It was likely that a war would occur, but those involved in the political system thought they could always delay the process by stalling for time. But since the axis of resistance that was formed at the cost of the people's oil dollars was destroyed and rendered powerless, this war seems likely, and it will be Iran's turn after them. They believed that they had fought abroad not to attack Iran. We have been saying from the beginning, "Spend the money you spend abroad on the people, have nothing to do with the world, and the world has nothing to do with you." Unfortunately, the instrument they were playing was out of tune, and we ended up with these events. The foundations of society are such that we experienced another war after the Islamic Republic. People's empathy and support during war are greater. At the same time, the Israeli regime made a huge miscalculation that with propaganda and advertising that people would demonstrate in the streets, they would be able to kill some of the country's military leaders or even political leaders in one night. On the other hand, people would demonstrate in the streets and the system would be finished. But they had not calculated that even though the propaganda was strong, people might not be present in the streets. They had estimated the people's dissatisfaction, but the people did not act on the dissatisfaction that would lead to insecurity and chaos.

Civil Society, Polarization, and a Peaceful Transition

Abdi Medya: If the military operation had been stopped on the first day and limited to assassinations, would people have demonstrated in the streets?

Salahshouri: Again, no, now that the issue of widespread dissatisfaction is being raised, even in these circumstances, because people are not sure about the possible alternative to the Islamic Republic, I think it is unlikely that people will demonstrate in the streets. People are peacefully demanding a transition, and I think that if time requires it, it is in the interest of our society to include this time, but we can witness a transition and sustainable change in our country, meaning that we do not fall from the trap of one tyranny to another. Unfortunately, our society is currently involved in economic and environmental disorders, inefficiency of the system, corruption of the system, etc., due to the additional pressures that are coming at us from all sides. The armies that are trained to divide and polarize are supporters of the monarchy who drive everyone with the same stick. On the other hand, there are people who belong to the cyber army who seek division and this division prevents convergence and solidarity among the people. On the other hand, civil society has also been torn to pieces. They destroyed the student movement. There is no unified and solid civil society that can raise the demands of the people. We need to raise these ideas through micro-networks, discuss and debate, fight these polarizations, replace division with empathy and gradually move towards a sustainable society. It may be crystallized in the mind that basically is there a chance for gradualism because war may destroy everything.

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The purpose of the referendum: changing the constitution

Abdi Medya: Is it possible to hold a real referendum in the current legal structure? Although the constitution stipulates that a referendum is formed at the discretion of the leader

Salahshouri: According to Article 59 of the constitution, a referendum can be held within this system, relying on the people's votes and on important issues

Abdi Medya: Are you more looking for a referendum to be held within the system?

Salahshouri: I am looking for the referendum to be held to change the constitution, if they call it the Constituent Assembly, I mean the Constituent Assembly, to be a referendum to change the constitution, meaning I consider the current constitution to be not only inadequate for the needs of today's society, but also disruptive, especially the articles of the constitution whose inefficiency has basically stabilized over the past 47 years, and the current situation in the country is currently the result and outcome of the articles of the current constitution that have led us to the current situation, and unfortunately, we have no way back or forward. I thought that if the Islamic Republic system were forced to hold an election in which a referendum would be held to change the constitution and the principles that contradict the people's right to democracy and the accountability of officials would be eliminated and we would have a democratic and efficient law, the name would not be different. Imagine how democratic the Democratic Republic of North Korea is now? The name makes no difference to us. The content must be correct. On the other hand, it seems that just as this system has its own supporters, there are also monarchists who have supporters among the people. On the other hand, there may be other groups that have far fewer supporters. However, if the voting system is based on asking the people for their opinions about different groups and different types of governments, it would definitely be better.

Weakness of sovereignty and cyberattack

Abdi Medya: Why should a regime that rides on a horse of power and does not think that this horse is a shambles, I remembered the Mukhtarnama, why should the Islamic Republic put its power to a referendum?

Salahshouri: I do not agree with your opinion, I think the power of the Islamic Republic is shaky, even someone who rides on a horse of power has such an idea

Abdi Medya: You mean he is aware?

Salahshouri: He is aware, do you think that someone like me who is not affiliated with a party, I have no influence or network, I am an independent activist, why should the cyber army attack him in the morning because of ordinary talk? It seems that the group that resorted to violence definitely has weaknesses. Most likely, these behaviors stem from their weaknesses. Check the tweets against me today. Why aren't you trying him? Tell these people that I have to appear in court on Monday. I was summoned again because of my speeches in parliament and because of the events of 1401 and before the war. A person whose hands are not tied anywhere is causing them so much concern. We need to investigate the issues. It is very important to know why such incidents occur.

Referendum on the type of government; republic or monarchy?

Abdi Medya: If a referendum is held, what is the main question?

Salahshuri: A referendum takes place in two ways: a referendum on the type of government, which is a secular republic or an Islamic republic.

Abdi Medya: Do you think this referendum on the type of government should happen? In the 1979 referendum, people had the option of yes or no. People believed Ayatollah Khomeini's words. Regardless of the fact that many believe that at that time people did not make a revolution, they rebelled. Although every revolution is accompanied by rebellion, do you think that a referendum should also be held on the type of government?

Salahshouri: There are different opinions. Some believe that a referendum should be held based on the type of government. After the type of government is determined, the constitution should be written based on the type of government. We will put the Islamic Republic, the monarchy, and the secular government to the vote. Whichever one gets the necessary votes, a new constitution should be written based on that. My inference from Mir Hossein Mousavi's statement is that the constitution should be changed. There are different inferences. In my opinion, the current content of the constitution should be changed because it is not consistent with the republic. The rights of the people do not exist. After a few years, the people do not have the right to hold free demonstrations. Prisoners are called security prisoners, but they are political prisoners. There is no right to protest or criticize. We do not even have the right to vote properly. There is a deliberative oversight that decides for us. In 2018, I stated that as a member of parliament, it is not clear whose rights I have violated in order to be on this platform. It was possible that without the Guardian Council, more competent people would be able to run for the elections. I have repeatedly warned that I will not run as a candidate as long as there is deliberative oversight. The current constitution has many problems and basically needs serious changes in it. The constitution states that the Iranian Broadcasting System must be national, and these issues and changes must be voted on by the people.

Abdi Media: How much does Iranian society welcome the referendum?

Salahshouri: If it is held under equal conditions and without discrimination, and if they know that their vote will be seen, they will be widely welcomed.

National and international monitoring of the referendum

Abdi Medya: Is society ready to accept a referendum in the current structure?

Salahshouri: If this structure exists, but they know that there are national observers, the observers who are present in the elections were not elected through the Guardian Council, but through civil society organizations.

Abdi Medya: What civil society organization do you have in mind?

Salahshouri: The same movement that has formed under the banner of the revolutionary

Abdi Medya: Everyone should present their own candidates

Salahshouri: They should have their own candidates and observers, the system believes that it has the majority of the people's votes. If the system has the majority of the people's votes, why is it afraid of a referendum? What is the fear of counting that is clean? You, who have the maximum votes, should hold a referendum and observe the people's opinion. The proposal to have international organizations present to monitor the ballot boxes is a good proposal. Didn't Imam Khomeini say that why should our predecessors decide for us? Even though Reza Shah had come to power legally, why should previous generations decide for the new generation? I had not reached voting age, but why should people who had reached voting age decide for the youth of the 80s?

Participation of all currents in the Constituent Assembly

Abdi Medya: There must be principles. Who can run? Can those who believe in the monarchy also run? Or should they be present and participate in the Constituent Assembly?

Salahshouri: All groups and individuals should be able to participate in the Constituent Assembly. There are some people in this society who believe in the monarchy, why shouldn't they have representatives? It is fundamentally incompatible with democracy.

Abdi Medya: What is your view on the restrictions on participation?

Salahshouri: Past experience, age, education, etc. are factors that need to be determined later. I believe two important points are that they should not believe in violence, and that they should seek changes within Iran and not look abroad; they should not hope that a government will be formed from elsewhere and put them in power.

The Voice of the People and the Pressure of Crises

Abdi Medya: At one point, the voice of revolution was heard, but it was heard too late and led to the revolution itself. At this current juncture, the Islamic Republic is basically willing to give the people the power to determine the political structure? Do you think the Islamic Republic has heard the voice of the people's revolution? Is the voice of the revolution being heard?

Salahshouri: The voice of protest and dissatisfaction of the people is clearly heard and they hear it, but they hide it. When the situation puts them in a bind, they will accept any change.

Abdi Medya: How much are they in a bind?

Salahshouri: Very much so because they have been hit by various crises. Because there is imbalance, shortage of electricity and water, high prices, problems with medical services, etc., the migration of nurses has also increased. I heard that problems have arisen in hospitals due to the lack of nurses.

Guarantee to prevent the reproduction of tyranny

Abdi Medya: After the formation of the Constituent Assembly, what guarantee is there that tyranny will not be reproduced again?

Salahshouri: The constitution at the time of the vote was in a situation where there were no such networks, no social awareness and no level of education, there were few intellectuals, thinkers and lawyers. These conditions create a huge difference between today's and yesterday's conditions. We can even comment on the articles of the constitution. The constitution must be put to a vote. The constitution will only gain the necessary votes if it satisfies the people. Considering the experience of the parliament, one point that seems to me is that the constitution should not be ambiguous. Ambiguity and ambiguity in the constitution and leaving the law open to interpretation allows us to interpret it differently. This happened in the third chapter of the constitution, which discusses the rights of the nation. In Article 27, there is basically no need to obtain a permit for gatherings, but because it says that if it is not in the spirit of Islam, any gathering will be boycotted and not allowed to be held.

If the government does not agree to the referendum…

Abdi Medya: What scenario could happen if the government opposes the referendum?

Salahshouri: The scenarios are different. Now, a group that has gathered as reformists and after Mir Hossein Mousavi’s statement has brought authority from the opposition abroad to the country, meaning that these are those who are demanding changes inside Iran, so we cannot consider them dependent. Although they are stigmatized, these people really have roots in this land and are expressing their opposition. If the government does not agree to the referendum, since it is struggling with different crises, international isolation, intense international pressure, the activation of the trigger mechanism, etc., the situation will become more deplorable. May God have mercy on the people. Talking may be easy for the rulers and propagandists, but in practice it will be very difficult to control such an event. By imprisoning and silencing critics, the situation will be such that it is as clear as day that it will be very difficult to control the situation.

Iranian Society; A Silent Volcano

Abdi Medya: Is Iranian society moving more towards change? Or is it moving towards passivity and indifference?

Salahshouri: From a sociological perspective, opinions differ. Not everyone thinks alike. I have used this expression before that Iranian society is like a silent volcano. At any moment, this lava could erupt and the people's anger and dissatisfaction could erupt. Just as no one imagined that these events would happen in the year 1401, the Mahsa movement. Iranian society is a movement. I think people believe that compared to the years when we were members of parliament, we were suffering from social numbness and indifference, but I don't see the situation that way now. There is dynamism and hope for change and collective self-belief in the social context, that self-belief that crushes people's fear. No matter how much the system tries to cast fear over the people, no matter how much they try to impose fear on the people, it seems that people have realized how much Harut and Port are, even if they use the harsh military force they have to control the people.

From 1999 to 2022; The path of ups and downs of social movements

Abdi Medya: Mr. Akbarnejad was sentenced to disrobing and he himself took off his turban and says he is ready to carry out the sentence. These are special pulses, a person like Akbarnejad who had patriotic positions during the Israeli attack on Iran. You talked about the movement, is Mir Hossein Mousavi the messenger of a new social movement? Or is this voice beyond factions? It does not fit into the dictionary of factions.

Salahshouri: I see the student movement of 1999, the protests of 2009, 2017, 2018, 2022, and now Mir Hossein Mousavi's statement in the same direction. The outcome of the movements that have taken place in this decade over the past years has brought us to the current point. They were not formed in an instant. The students who were young in 1999 are now middle-aged. Perhaps their power reached the children of the 70s, but the 80s and beyond cannot be controlled, and these will determine the future of Iran.

The capacity for social reconstruction in the shadow of cultural crises

Abdi Medya: Do you think Mr. Mousavi's proposal will have the capacity for social reconstruction despite all the economic, social, and political crises? Can we hope for a different social and Iranian reconstruction?

Salahshouri: This is a profound question. For me, who studied sociology, it is not political structures that are decisive. Social and cultural structures are much more stable. Culturally and socially, we are currently facing many problems, especially culturally. Morality has disappeared even in the social context. Slander and stigmatization are easily carried out. All kinds of abnormalities in society are observed because the rulers did not observe them. In Islam, it is pointed out that people become like the rulers. When the rulers spoil everything, we need time in society to follow such a path. But we hope for the dynamism of society, if the political structures are reformed, this society has the potential to rebuild and revive its identity and culture.

Why has the referendum not become the dominant discourse?

Abdi Media: Why has the idea of ​​a referendum not yet become the dominant discourse in society despite the welcome of intellectuals and political activists?

Salahshouri: It is due to the lack of media, meaning that the reformists do not have a specific media, there is no credible media inside and outside Iran to support and expand the idea, news networks outside Iran have their own audiences and do not raise such an idea, on the other hand, there are those within the IRIB system that do not cover their voices in any way, only virtual media such as Twitter or Telegram or networks that do not have a large audience reach remain. There is a significant difference between global networks and IRIB and people who are trying to raise a new discourse without any media.

IRIB, Media Blockade and Absence of Organizations

Abdi Media: It is the voice and image of the Islamic Republic. They are trying to advance the goals of the Islamic Republic, they are doing their job, but the point is that the lack of a coherent organization for the revolutionary movement does this demand have a clear fate?

Salahshouri: Because the atmosphere of repression is severe, no organization is allowed, and since organization is not allowed, it is difficult. I read somewhere that Mr. Karbaschi wrote that at least dismiss the head of IRIB, that in IRIB one thing is said about international relations and foreign affairs, the Pezizian government is proposing something else; that is, even between the government and IRIB, the voice of the government is not heard. When they show no mercy to the established government, which they themselves say must maintain solidarity and coherence, they definitely do not allow such organizations to operate.

The current situation of the Islamic Republic is more difficult than ever

Abdi Medya: The Islamic Republic has been facing a crisis of legitimacy, economic divide, social dissatisfaction, political obstruction, etc. for years. How is the current situation different from the situation of previous years? What are the special elements and triggers compared to previous years?

Salahshouri: It seems that the 12-day war created conditions that are different from the Islamic Republic before and after the war. At least from the perspective and minds of the people of the Islamic Republic, it was very different. We are witnessing the accumulation of all the problems and their stormy emergence in one place. If they could have moved forward crookedly and sickly before, now they can no longer. Now everything has fallen on the government like rubble and that is why the situation is much more difficult. Now they say that the 40-year Islamic Republic has reached the end of the line, but the Islamic Republic has shown that there is no willow that can shake these winds. Now, perhaps we can move forward with these difficult and critical conditions and bayonet force, but how long can they continue? Now there is someone like Trump who, in the discussion of negotiations, says that I need to think about negotiations. Now we are facing enemies in the international arena, such as the Israeli regime, which has launched a genocide in Gaza and the world is not listening. We ourselves give excuses to foreigners, and in our speeches, we give the enemy four excuses that they justify if they are going to attack Iran, they will find an excuse. Therefore, the situation is different.

The Body of Society and Hope for a Peaceful Transition

Abdi Medya: Does the government have the potential for this dialogue and support for the peaceful transition process?

Salahshouri: The body is looking for a peaceful dialogue for the transition because most people are dissatisfied, in which case they naturally welcome anything that wants to change the situation from the current situation to a better one.

Abdi Medya: How much do the IRGC and intelligence services agree with the transition?

Salahshouri: One of the things that makes me optimistic is that I don’t think the security body and the IRGC are the ones making noise, especially the military and security forces have understood these gaps in information that existed better than anyone, they know better than anyone why Mir Hossein Mousavi protested 15 years ago? How did his words reach the forefront? A person like Mir Hossein is a well-known person in the IRGC and security forces, it is clear that the revolutionary forces are concerned about the homeland, they are worried and sad about the future of Iran.

As someone who is present among the people and has seen the security forces, I say this that most of the soldiers of the military forces are devoted to the country, we must separate these people from the team or group that has a hand in the economy, I witnessed firsthand that the soldiers who lived ordinary lives are from the body of these people, most of the Basijis are like this, there is a difference between the forces that joined spontaneously and those who were recruited for this propaganda. They also felt insecurity and have no place other than Iran, the people who beat the drum of division and continuation of the war and sanctions have money and go abroad whenever they want and their families are safe, the military and security forces do not have such support, their hearts ache for Iran, they certainly had this experience of what has happened during this time.

Coup scenario and national security concerns

Abdi Medya: Do you think it is possible that if the military and security forces feel that the country is being lost, they will make a move that is like a coup. War is not yielding good results either, and internal conflicts may also begin. How likely is it that a coup or martial law will occur?

Salahshouri: If a coup occurs, it will not be by the military forces who are on the side of the people, but by those who now have a lot of influence to assert their own views. The discontented body will be able to communicate with the reformists and Mir Hossein. In the current situation, national security comes first.

Direct Address to the Leader of the Islamic Republic

Abdi Medya: Let's consider a few assumptions. Assuming that this is one of the few opportunities you have to speak. Assuming that Mr. Khamenei watches this program, what would you say to him if you wanted to address him directly?

Salahshouri: In 2018, when I wanted to present my speech strategies, I said that I would seek refuge in God and address the position of the Leader. Later, some people said, "It is clear why you sought refuge in God." Others said, "You have asked the Leader again." Of course, seeking refuge in God was because I consider God to be above everyone and everything and power. Since He is my refuge, I know that I will not be harmed. Even now, if I were to really talk to him and let my voice reach him, I would say, "You yourself have had the experience of imperial prisons." You yourself said that in a country where I am supposed to be the leader, blood must be shed, the rights of the people must be fulfilled, and a referendum must be held so that the people can vote on the type of government that the people want. A Constituent Assembly should be formed based on the type of government that the people want. I would like to make the same request not only to Mr. Khamenei, but also to every reformer who can do something in this system, to give up the power and wealth that an individual can gain in order for Iran to remain, because if they are not in Iran, my body is nothing without Iran. In this 12-day war, we realized that Iran is our security.

Hope for the future and civil activism

Abdi Medya: Long live Iran, as history shows, it will remain durable, but there was concern about the lion that the Iranian empire once was, and today this cat has been entrusted to us. Iran has been torn apart and its body has become independent countries in different eras. The roaring lion and the steadfastness of the gods have become cats. I hope the right decision will be made for this trust.

Salahshouri: If you are nothing more than a simple journalist and presenter, I am nothing more than a simple civic activist. I am active and active to the best of my ability. I hope that the atmosphere will be created in such a way that we will have a better tomorrow.

Full file of Abdi Media's interview with Parvaneh Salahshouri, sociologist and former member of parliament