"Iranian Society After the 12-Day War; Awareness, Dissatisfaction, and the Search for Fundamental Changes"

In the midst of a multi-layered crisis, Iranian society is facing fundamental questions about its future. The 12-day war showed that the nation is neither receptive to disintegration nor ready to repeat a bloody revolution. In this interview, Dr. Taghi Azad Aramaki discusses the characteristics of post-war society, the role of the middle class, the place of the referendum in Mir Hossein Mousavi's political thought, and the danger of fundamentalism.

Iranian society after the 12-day war;  Change

Abdi Media: We are in crisis and may not be concealed.  I would like to talk about the way out of the crisis.  At the heart of this crisis, everyone tries to attach themselves to a string to get rid of it.  There are a variety of items: now we are faced with a new policy, but we do not know that this policy is a play or a real change within the Islamic Republic.  On the other hand, opponents of the Islamic Republic put forward ideas;  From the fierce opponents who believe that the Islamic Republic is pure damages at any moment and that there must be a fundamental change in the system, so that those who seek structural reforms and find the developments to be possible by establishing the Constituent Assembly or reviewing the constitution and holding a referendum.  In what space do you see the post -war Iranian society and rape of the country before entering these discussions?

Armaki: Today's situation in Iran has not happened at a particular moment.  The paths taken by society are the product of long -term transformation and transformation.  Iranian society has emerged in various forms and has repeatedly stated that "I am".  When we put these elements together, we see that we are fully aware of the situation, unhappy with the status quo, and the tendency to change.  This consciousness is not a product of alien or group pumping;  The community is aware of its position, is unhappy with the status quo and waiting for change.

These changes are fundamental.  It will not save a force outside the society.  Sensitivity has come from within the social system.  I have said before we have a strong society.  The war showed that society was civilized and showed itself.  The Iranian civil society - most of which was domestically and partly abroad - emerged a major resistance to the alien.  Today we have a cool and ready society.

In the last 5 to 5 years, Iranian society has become familiar with superficial, simple and short -term changes and no longer requires them.  Today, society calls for fundamental changes.  When you talk to people, it shows: society wants change and the concern is about change.  Those who discuss fundamental changes in Iran are not ideological;  It comes from the floor of society and their concerns are real.

These changes must be achieved in the eyes, politics, law, and behavior.  The right -wing or leftist fundamentalism has repeatedly led to the fatality of Iranian society.  Fundamentalism is essentially based on the destruction of what it is - to call it a revolution or the collapse.

Historical experiences;  From the constitutional revolution to the present

Armaki: When we talk to the community more accurately, we see that it is not all about the collapse of the whole;  It is not looking for a revolution or a coup to build again.  This experience has gone through and has even succeeded in the Constitutional Revolution and the Islamic Revolution.  So today society is seeking fundamental changes without collapse, without cultivation, war, and controversy.

The 6 -day war was important.  If it weren't for this war, perhaps the community would have fallen toward acceptance;  But the war has shown how heavy the death of humans and the destruction of capital it is.  The same feeling was strengthened in Iranian society that there must be fundamental changes, but with the rule and account.

The Islamic Republic has had an attempt to show fundamental changes, but it has not been successful.  Jalili, for example, was weakened by the Supreme National Security Council and Larijani came;  But these changes were late.  Changes must take place in the eyes, programs, policies, and laws.  These changes can be obtained from the referendum, the forces move and the fundamental changes can be made.

Structural weakness of the political system and the necessity of democracy

Abdi Media: As a journalist, I have repeatedly addressed Mr. Khamenei as long as they have power, they can make fundamental changes.  These changes have been made in the eyes of Mr. Mousavi.  If these reforms are made by the system itself, bloodshed and tensions will be reduced.  But the question is: Is the ruling system ready to adopt such structural reforms?  What exactly is Mousavi's referendum?  Is the constitution review?  Correcting some principles such as 1 and 2?  Does the system accept such a thing?

Ermaki: We have an exceptional situation that is not just about war.  We have been facing a weak political system for more than two decades.  Not only the government, but the whole sovereignty is fundamentally weak.  This weakness has left two ways to society: collapse or reform.

When governments are strong, they do not give up democracy.  In the first two decades of the Islamic Republic, no opposition was heard.  Today, due to structural weakness, the necessity of democracy has made sense.  One of the aspects of democracy is the referendum.  In many countries a referendum is held continuously, without damaging the whole system.  Rather, it reforms and strengthens the governance.

Fundamentalism;  A threat to Iranian society

Abdi Media: You mentioned fundamentalism.  What is your definition of fundamentalism?

Ermaki: Fundamentalism means those who are looking for complete ideals based on a certain rigid ideology;  Whether they are past or futuristic.  The fundamentalists have strict action and invite war, violence, revolution and cultivation.  It should be avoided.

Today, even Ali Larijani's presence should be trophy;  Because it creates a balance against radical fundamentalists and sustainability.  If this radical flow is marginalized, the Islamic Republic will have the opportunity to breathe and will be able to return to the idea of ​​a referendum.

Mousavi's idea;  Disruption or correction?

Abdi Media: Is Mr. Mousavi's idea possible and possible?

Armaki: Provided that the political system is accepted.  If it does other than this, the collapse or revolution or even the occupation will be possible.  If he accepts, my referendum will be a tool for reform.

Iran has always seen its historical problem in fundamentalism.  In the constitutional revolution, fundamentalism agreed and disagree.  Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri was killed, but today some forces call him "the martyr of the Constitutional Revolution";  While he opposed freedom and democracy.  The same fundamentalism disrupted the path to civil society.  In the Islamic Revolution, both the leftists and the fundamentalist rightists diverted society from the main path, and a period of social collapse was created.

Today, if fundamentalism is re -activated - whether with the Islamic Republic without it - Iran will fall for a century and will fall into social.

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Civil society; the main actor of change

Eramaki: The basis of all these discussions is that with a weak government and administration, the tool for organizing reforms is "civil society". Preventing the activation of right and left fundamentalists is vital.When we look at society, we see that it was civil society that stood against Israel and the United States in the 12-day war and defended the country. Iranian civil society—the middle class, representatives of the underprivileged, social activists, academics, celebrities, and owners of social capital—are the true capital of change.These forces can achieve systematic and fundamental changes. Reforms and transformations are much harder than revolution, but they are doable. A revolution collapses suddenly, but rebuilding afterward takes 40 or 50 years. Meanwhile, fundamental changes through reforms create a better future.

Alternative Pahlavi;  Shadow past over today

Abdi Media: Reza Pahlavi has proposed the idea of revolution and overthrowing; removing the country from the hands of the clergy and the corrupt regime, followed by a referendum. This is a step further than Mousavi's idea. What is your opinion?Aramaki: Every revolution carries the shadow of the previous regime. In Iran, after the Islamic Republic, the first alternative is the Pahlavis. This phenomenon is not limited to the Islamic Republic; it has been the case in the French Revolution, the Russian Revolution, and even the Qajar period.The U.S. has not presented a clear picture of Iran's tomorrow, but the Pahlavis have been an alternative voice and tool. They represent a portion of public opinion. Based on observations, about 20 to 30 percent of society desires a return to the Pahlavis. In contrast, 60 to 70 percent of society seeks fundamental reforms; reforms that do not entail a return to the previous regime nor a continuation of the current situation. Ten percent of the society still resists change.

The Role of the Middle Class; Determining the Path of the Future

Ermaki: The license for revolution or survival lies in the hands of the middle class. This class is concerned with development and democracy. So far, it has not given the green light to revolution, nor has it allowed the enemy or populist movements to prevail. Therefore, the most likely path is fundamental reforms and structural changes within the existing system.

Democracy; An Inevitable Necessity in Today’s Iran

Abdi Media: Today’s society cannot survive without democracy. It seems that Mousavi’s idea is also based on democracy. To what extent can this idea be realized through constitutional reform, a constituent assembly, or legal revision? How willing is Iranian society to accept a referendum?

Ermaki: Who took the weapons away from Israel and America and laid them down so that Iran could survive? Iran’s civil society. Societies that embrace democracy recognize civil society: the middle class, representatives of the lower classes, social activists, celebrities, academics, the wealthy, and holders of social capital. These are the forces that can drive change.

For change, there is no need for collapse. The 1979 Revolution showed that destruction and rebuilding come at a heavy cost. Afghanistan is another example. We cannot act in a demolishing way. We must create rule-based changes with the existing capital of civil society. This path is harder than revolution, but more rational.

Iranian Society; Anti-Revolutionary but Seeking Deep Reforms

Abdi Media: Will society welcome the idea of a referendum?

Ermaki: Iranian society is anti-revolutionary. If it were seeking revolution, the best time was during the 12-day war. In a situation where order had collapsed and the police were absent, society could have facilitated a breakdown, but it did not. The reason is that the memory of the 1979 Revolution is still fresh, and society is not willing to experience that wound again.

The people of Iran want fundamental changes and deep reforms, not revolution. In past elections, they have repeatedly shown that their concern is reform, even if the ballot box has limited functionality.

External Alternatives and the Discourse of Revolution

Abdi Media: Reza Pahlavi and his supporters promote the idea of revolution—complete removal of the Islamic Republic and holding a referendum on the type of government. This idea has also been reflected on social media. What is your view?

Ermaki: Revolutions always bring the alternative to the previous regime with them. In Iran too, after the Islamic Republic, the first alternative is the Pahlavi dynasty. But internal reformists and transformation-seekers focus more on deep reforms and changes within the system. Iranian society is still seeking fundamental reforms, not a return to the past and not collapse.

Constituent Assembly; Representing All Voices

Abdi Media: What composition would a constituent assembly have? Can it represent all views of society?

Ermaki: Mousavi’s concern is less about forming a constituent assembly and more about changing the constitution and redefining the powers of key institutions. But if a constituent assembly is formed, it must include representatives of social forces, parties, ethnic groups, and religious communities—similar to the experience of the first constituent assembly. In the current situation, such a body could design a new structure of governance that addresses past problems.

Resistance or Acceptance of Change by the System

Abdi Media: If the political system resists a referendum, what will happen?

Ermaki: The political system is compelled to change. Iranian society has reached a level of awareness that insists change must happen. If the system resists, society will react. Fundamental changes have already occurred in families, social relations, interests, and behaviors. These changes have also penetrated the inner core of power. Therefore, complete suppression is not possible.

The regime’s repressive power today is weaker than in the past. This is why, ultimately, the system will have to raise its hands and accept change, just as the Shah during the Constitutional Revolution was forced to sign.

Moving Beyond Idealism and Accepting Situational Democracy

Abdi Media: Can we ever reach a utopia where all voices are free?

Ermaki: We must avoid idealism. Idealism drags us toward ideology and hero-worship. Absolute democracy does not exist; democracy is situational. In Iran too, democracy must be built on the conditions and the power of the middle class. Participatory democracy must be accepted—meaning everyone should have a presence proportional to their social share.

Conclusion; The Path of Fundamental Changes

Ermaki: Figures like Mousavi, who have paid a price, or activists who are imprisoned today, are the representatives of the movement for fundamental change. Outside the country, monarchists are also one of the voices. But what truly flows within society is “civil society”: a force that pursues the elimination of fundamentalism, national reconciliation and peace, and constructive engagement.

This path can change Iran’s destiny without bloodshed. Today, Iranian society seeks a return to the project of democracy and development.

Full file of Abdi Media's conversation with Taqi Azad Aramaki, sociologist