Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani's two-person weekly meeting with Khamenei on August 1, 1999 contains very important historical points.

In this note, I will try to write more explanations about the highlights of Akbar Hashemi's 1999 August 1 diary.

In the memories of this day, we see:

While the American president had sent a message through Oman, Khamenei's insistence was that:

First: a firm answer must be given.
Second: contrary to the common custom of sending the reply through the country that sent the message, he emphasized that this reply should go through Switzerland.
Third: Mr. Khatami personally as the president should not answer.

However, despite these comments, in the following days, the response of Bill Clinton, the President of the United States, will be sent through Oman with the approval of the Supreme National Security Council.

Regarding the university crisis, the research committee appointed by Ayatollah Khamenei did not give him a report until the date of this meeting (August 1, 1999) and he did not ask for a report from them, because the Ministry of Intelligence did not provide him with some information related to the fault of the left spectrum. He is worried, and in addition, Ali Younisi, the Minister of Information at the time, is still acting passively, which is not satisfactory for him.

Important question:
Were these types of concerns a prelude to the revival of the parallel intelligence organization in the following years?

Hashemi further writes: Khamenei criticized the judiciary for not taking any action even though the leadership is aware of the seditious newspapers.

It shows that the judiciary considered the task to be a big one and was looking for a legal cover to seize the newspapers, or perhaps there was resistance among the judges of the judiciary until months later, the judiciary finished the job by referring to two legal articles of the very old security measures law. did

and

The same interpretation by vote of the old law and also in the atmosphere of Khamenei's famous speech in Tehran's Mosli in 2000, often the judges of the judicial complex of crimes of government employees, led by Saeed Mortazavi and headed by Mohseni Ajieh; Mass arrests of the press are finalized.

Of course, the efforts of the 6th Parliament to remove or interpret those legal articles that do not include the press, even with the opposition of the Guardian Council, remained in the hands of the Council of Expediency, and to know more important details, we have to wait for Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani's memoirs of later years. .

Akbar-Hashemi also writes: Khamenei does not allow to lift the ban even despite Seyyed Mohammad Khatami's request regarding Salam newspaper which was banned by the special clerical court.

Nevertheless, Ayatollah Khamenei apparently warned Mohseni Ejieh, the special-time prosecutor of the clergy, who was with him to execute the sentence, that it was not appropriate for Seyyed Mohammad Mousavi Khoyiniha, the editor-in-chief of this newspaper, who was the country's attorney general for many years, and later Ayatollah Khamenei's political adviser, to go to prison.

Of course, it should be noted that these negotiations are taking place when the verdict of the special clerical court has not yet been issued and the condemnation of this newspaper was announced on August 4, 1999.

In the memoirs of this meeting, we read that Khamenei still opposes Gholamhossein Karbaschi's amnesty and considers it premature to accept it.

Hashemi also says that Khamenei is not worried about the future of the revolution and believes that Seyyed Mohammad Khatami cannot manage the crisis.

It is as if these things that Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani wrote down in his memoirs of this day are the completion of the proof and the manifesto of the future of the country in the following months.

Abdullah Abdi