Speech by Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi at the United Nations Security Council meeting

Speech by Abbas Araghchi, Foreign Minister of Iran, at the United Nations Security Council meeting:

Let me begin my remarks by expressing appreciation to Algeria, China, Pakistan, and the Russian Federation for voting in favor of this draft resolution in support of diplomacy, the rule of law, and justice.

I also thank China and Russia for tabling this resolution and for all the efforts they made during informal consultations with other interested parties.

We are also grateful to Guyana and South Korea for their decision not to vote against this draft resolution.

They have all chosen the right side of history, because this draft resolution represented a sincere attempt to keep the doors of diplomacy and dialogue open and to avoid confrontation and conflict.

Mr. President, distinguished colleagues,
Iran has been a member of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) since 1970 and has acted as a responsible member ever since. We have pursued our inalienable right, recognized in the Treaty, to benefit from peaceful nuclear energy with full transparency and readiness to answer any question in good faith.

Twelve years ago, the P5+1 and Iran entered into negotiations, and foreign ministers gathered at the United Nations and agreed to seek a solution regarding the nuclear issue.

After two years of serious negotiations, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was reached—an outstanding achievement in multilateral diplomacy, unanimously endorsed by Security Council Resolution 2231 (2015).

Iran fully complied with this agreement, as confirmed by 15 consecutive reports of the IAEA. No country’s nuclear program has ever been subjected to such rigorous inspections.

However, in May 2018, the United States unilaterally withdrew from the JCPOA, in clear violation of Resolution 2231 and international law, and began pressuring other states to follow suit without providing any reason or justification.

Despite this, Iran fully adhered to its commitments in the hope that Europe’s promises of remedial measures would preserve the fundamental balance of the agreement: Iran’s acceptance of voluntary restrictions in exchange for the lifting of sanctions and tangible economic benefits for the Iranian people.

After more than a year of patience, when it became clear that the European states (E3) either would not or could not deliver on any of their promises, Iran was compelled to adopt remedial measures and reduce its commitments in accordance with its recognized rights under the JCPOA.

Iran’s steps were lawful, gradual, and fully consistent with its rights under the JCPOA and Resolution 2231. More importantly, they were designed to restore the fundamental balance of the 2015 deal.

The current situation is the direct result of the U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA and the failure of the European states (E3/EU) to take effective measures to fulfill their commitments.

The United States betrayed diplomacy, but it was the Europeans who buried it.

This messy situation did not arise overnight. European countries and the United States have consistently misrepresented Iran’s peaceful nuclear program.

They have repeated the baseless allegations of the Israeli regime along the way. This is particularly abhorrent, as the Israeli regime, an occupying and genocidal regime, is the sole possessor of nuclear weapons in our region. The double standards applied here are shocking and blatantly obvious to the world.

Iran categorically rejects all weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons. Such weapons are inhumane and incompatible with our Islamic teachings and our defensive doctrine. This principled stance was recently reaffirmed by the Leader of the Islamic Revolution of Iran.

Nevertheless, despite decades of unlawful sanctions, assassinations of nuclear scientists, and now the blatant bombing of our peaceful nuclear facilities, Iran has not violated the JCPOA, the NPT, or its safeguards obligations.

While the United States had unilaterally withdrawn from the JCPOA and coerced others to follow, Iran responded in good faith to President Trump’s invitation to dialogue upon his return to the White House earlier this year.

Five rounds of negotiations were held. But on the eve of the sixth round, Israel, with U.S. support, attacked nuclear facilities in my country under IAEA safeguards.

The criminal Israeli regime murdered Iranian nuclear scientists and their families; in one case, a university professor along with more than a dozen relatives, including women and children, were killed.

These terrorist acts were neither condemned by European countries nor criticized by the Agency. Instead, we all witnessed how leaders such as the Chancellor of Germany openly praised Israel for doing Europe’s “dirty work.”

In other words, Iran’s effort at diplomacy was met with aggression.

Once again, Washington betrayed diplomacy, and the Europeans buried it.

Instead of mobilizing to resume dialogue, European countries chose confrontation and activated the so-called “snapback” mechanism. But Iran chose cooperation.

On September 9 in Cairo, I signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Director General of the IAEA. This step was welcomed by the Agency and the international community.

Yet immediately, we were faced with unconstructive approaches from the United States and Europe.

Here in New York, Iran once again put forward constructive proposals to avert an unnecessary and avoidable crisis. But all these proposals were ignored.

The Europeans and the United States acted in bad faith, blocking diplomacy while pretending to support it. Unfortunately, instead of exercising their independent judgment, the Europeans aligned themselves with Washington’s whims.

The U.S.’s persistent rejection of initiatives to keep the diplomatic window open once again proved that negotiating with the U.S. leads only to a “dead end,” as the Leader of the Islamic Revolution of Iran has stated.

The draft resolution tabled by China and Russia was a responsible effort to prevent escalation and provide time and space for diplomacy. They negotiated in good faith and showed flexibility to build consensus.

Regrettably, the European states (E3) and the United States rejected this fair initiative and pressured other Council members not to support it. Their words do not match their deeds. Their aim is to create a crisis, not to resume diplomacy. By blocking this initiative, the United States and the European trio have deepened divisions in the Security Council, undermined its credibility, and closed the window of opportunity they claimed to seek.

Iran’s position on the pursuit of the so-called “snapback” mechanism by the three European countries is clear and consistent. This action is legally null and void, politically reckless, and procedurally flawed.

We have conveyed this legal position, supported by valid documentation and arguments, in several letters to the Council President and the UN Secretary-General. Along with Russia and China, Iran also exposed the unlawful and provocative nature of the E3’s actions in a joint letter on August 28, 2025.

This joint position made clear that the European trio’s August 28 notification to the Council President cannot under any circumstances be considered a valid notification under paragraph 11 of Resolution 2231.

Iran bears no obligation toward it, because:

The three European countries have violated their commitments under the JCPOA and Resolution 2231, and therefore have no standing to claim “significant non-performance.” Their invocation of the so-called snapback mechanism is nothing but an outright abuse of process.

The draft resolution put to a vote on September 19 did not meet the requirements of Resolution 2231 and cannot reinstate terminated sanctions. Likewise, the draft resolution proposed by South Korea, which the Council President abstained from voting on, has no legitimacy.

The efforts by Germany, France, the UK, and the United States to revive terminated sanctions are null and void.

Resolution 2231 must expire according to the agreed timeline. All nuclear-related restrictions under Resolution 2231 will permanently end on October 18, 2025. Iran, along with many other nations, will not recognize any attempt to extend, revive, or enforce them beyond that date.

We call on the President of the Security Council to declare today’s decision unlawful. We also call on the Secretary-General to refrain from any effort to revive sanctions-related mechanisms in the Secretariat.
Any attempt to reinstate terminated sanctions must be rejected. No resources should be allocated to support this illegal mechanism.

Those who pursue this path will bear full responsibility for damaging the credibility and integrity of the United Nations, as well as for any harm and humanitarian consequences inflicted on the Iranian people.

The developments we have witnessed set a dangerous precedent. If agreements can be arbitrarily violated, no nation can trust international commitments. If unlawful measures are enforced by force instead of law, the Security Council risks losing its credibility and authority. This situation undermines not only Iran but the entire system of international law and collective security.

The European trio and the United States bear full responsibility for the serious consequences of today’s decision. By ignoring facts, spreading false claims, distorting Iran’s peaceful program, and blocking diplomacy, they have willfully paved the way for dangerous escalation.

Just as military attacks have failed to achieve their declared objectives, the so-called snapback mechanism will also fail. The only solution is dialogue. The JCPOA proves this.

Iran will never respond to threats or pressure. We only respond to respect.
Today’s decision has destroyed any remaining trust of the Iranian people in Western promises, especially those of the European trio. The Islamic Republic of Iran bases its foreign policy on the will and sentiments of its people. Now it is for the European trio and the United States to correct their course and take meaningful steps to build confidence.

We must adhere to what international law and the UN Charter clearly state: no obligation can arise from invalid procedures or from the absence of consensus in the Security Council.