National reconciliation is not "betrayal", it is a recipe for Iran's survival

Author: Alireza Mostofi

Rebuilding National Trust: A Prerequisite for Security and Stability

How can we speak of national security when the trust of the people in the government is at its lowest historical level?

The first point of this roadmap emphasizes “general amnesty” and the release of political prisoners and those under house arrest; an action that radical critics consider a sign of weakness. However, the reality is that without reconciling the government with well-meaning critics and dissatisfied protesters, no nation can withstand external threats. When the people’s trust in the government is lost, they are no longer willing to delegate decision-making powers to it. If the government wants the people to stand behind it in critical moments like the recent war, it must first win their hearts. The release of the leaders of the Green Movement (Mir Hossein Mousavi and Dr. Zahra Rahnavard), lifting political restrictions on figures like Seyyed Mohammad Khatami, and the release of all political and ideological prisoners will send a strong signal to society that the era of animosity and revenge has ended. This action is not only a humanitarian and ethical move but is also entirely security-enhancing; no sustainable security is built on fear and coercion. The legitimacy of the government hinges on reflecting the desires of citizens in free and consensual communication processes. Today, there exists a profound gap between the ideological rulers’ mindset and the daily lives of ordinary people. This gap has caused a legitimacy crisis, which has been exacerbated by the imprisonment of critics. The only way to mend this rift is to move towards national reconciliation and rebuild public trust.

On the other hand, opponents of the national reconciliation plan would do well to learn from history; governments that do not timely heal internal tensions collapse in the face of external dangers. As societies become more civilized, they move further away from naked violence. In other words, modern governance cannot be based on overt repression and the exclusion of half the nation. Restoring social capital through trust-building actions (such as general amnesty and ending the security-centric view of society while discarding the division of insiders and outsiders) is a necessary condition for survival in the storm of external threats.

An army that is divided within itself defeats itself without the enemy firing a shot.

Structural Reforms from Ideological Governance to Development-Oriented Governance

One of the most intelligent aspects of the Front for the Reforms’ roadmap is its emphasis on changing the governance discourse from ideological conflict to national development. For years, we have espoused passionate ideological slogans, resulting in a sick economy and dissatisfied people. Point 2 of this plan correctly calls for the formulation of a “Doctrine of Development and Prosperity for Iran,” centered on the welfare, prosperity, and dignity of citizens. This is precisely the priority that successful governments around the world, regardless of their ideologies, have put at the forefront; the interests of the people come before everything else. It seems that for some who are angry about this idea today, it has become necessary to remind them of these fundamentals. Perhaps they believe that the country can still be managed with slogans from the 1980s, but Iranian society has transformed, and its demands are realistic and tangible.

Alongside changing the discourse, reforming flawed governance structures is also necessary. Points 3 and 4 of the roadmap specify ending the phenomenon of parallel institutions and returning military forces to their barracks. Critics of the plan may ask if it is even possible to change the power structure today. The answer is that if it cannot be changed, there will be nothing left of Iran to govern. Our country has long been plagued by multiplicity in decision-making and the interference of unaccountable institutions in all matters. From the economy to culture, each corner has been handed over to a power clique, and no one takes responsibility for any crisis or corruption. What has been the result? Crushing inflation, the collapse of the national currency, unfinished projects, and astronomical embezzlements.

Everyone claims to have power, but they point fingers at each other, and this situation cannot continue. Iranian society has been modernized in terms of education, technology, and political awareness, yet our political structure has not transformed, and accountable institutions have not grown. The result has been a legitimacy crisis, systemic corruption, and social unrest.

The solution is clear: outdated and parallel institutions must either be dissolved or integrated into a transparent and accountable framework.

For example, when foreign policy is officially determined by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Supreme National Security Council, what need is there for autonomous institutions that create costs for the country through reckless actions? If the government wants to survive, it must make decisions that are unified, coherent, and rational.

Returning military forces to their barracks is better for the health of the armed forces and for democracy. A professional and powerful army is certainly a source of pride, but when generals enter the game of politics and economics, neither politics nor security benefits. The military’s interference in the country’s economy, from banking and oil to construction, has only resulted in corruption and inefficiency. Ironically, the very critics of structural reforms have long shouted for “resistance economy,” but have handed over the economy to their friends in government and military institutions; then, when production stagnates and capital flees, they blame sanctions or a hypothetical enemy.

This is precisely the boundary that the founder of the Islamic Republic also emphasized: “My strong advice to the armed forces is that just as the regulations of the military prohibit involvement in parties, groups, and fronts, they should adhere to this; and the armed forces, whether military, police, guards, or Basij, must not enter any party or group and keep themselves out of political games. In this case, they can preserve their military power and remain immune to internal group conflicts, and commanders must prevent their subordinates from entering parties.” The conclusion is clear: let politicians handle politics, entrepreneurs and specialists manage the economy, and keep the armed forces in their professional missions so that both sustainable security is maintained and development becomes possible.

We just need to open our eyes; the Iranian economy will grow when the oligopolies and rent-seeking are broken, and investors feel secure—not when every institution acts as a god in the economy. Point 8 of the roadmap precisely addresses this issue, calling for the removal of the economy from the grip of governmental oligarchs and creating equal opportunities for all Iranians. Isn’t this the demand of the general public? For years, independent businesses have been crying out that powerful institutions do not allow them to grow. Hasn’t the Supreme Leader himself repeatedly stated that “real privatization has not been achieved”? So why hasn’t it been achieved? Because centers of power have not been willing to relinquish economic rents.

Iran for All Iranians: Free Media and Women’s Rights

Another essential focus of the national reconciliation plan is changing cultural and social approaches, including reforming the management of state media, ensuring media freedom, and eliminating discrimination against women.

These issues are directly related to the quality of life and the degree of civilization of a society. Free media serve as the eyes and ears of society. A government that fears the voice of the people and critics will eventually lose its hearing! Years of censorship and propaganda have resulted in a significant portion of the nation losing trust in official media. When the truth is not spoken, rumors and foreign media take control of the narrative. The correct path is not more crackdowns but freedom of expression and transparency. Let journalists and independent media do their work, and allow artists and writers to breathe. If we are afraid of their constructive criticism, we should fear the enemy’s tanks and artillery even more when danger arises! A vibrant society cannot exist without free media; even a first-year social science student knows this.

But regarding women’s rights, how can we talk about development when half the population faces structural discrimination in many legal matters? Point 7 of the roadmap precisely addresses the reform of those laws that underpin violence and inequality. Some say, “Today is not the time for gender justice.” On the contrary, now is the time; if we think about stability and progress, we must activate all of Iran’s human capital.

Since the fall of 2022, the “Women, Life, Freedom” movement has become not a transient slogan but a transformation of reference and measurement of public behavior and policymaking. This movement has solidified the social presence of women, raised the political costs of ignoring their demands, and increased public sensitivity to violence and discrimination. Civil action networks, legal follow-ups, collective and cultural collaborations, and the new language formed in public dialogues all indicate that Iranian society will not tolerate regression. Today, no rational political movement can marginalize women; the issue is no longer about “allowing” women but recognizing the position they have earned through their efforts and steadfastness.

Is it befitting for the Islamic Republic to fall behind regional rivals in global gender discrimination indices? Let’s face reality: Iranian women have become more aware and courageous than ever to be driven back into their homes.

The responsible path is clear: reform discriminatory laws, ensure the security of women, eliminate humiliating and arbitrary mechanisms, and create equal access to job, managerial, and political opportunities. “Women, Life, Freedom” is a reality that has settled in the fabric of society and cannot be erased by decrees and patrols. Recognizing the dignity and rights of women is the least we can do for the future of Iran.

Ending Isolation and Overcoming Delusion

One of the high points of the Front for the Reforms’ plan is its realistic view on foreign policy and the nuclear issue. In points 9 to 11 of the roadmap, there is an emphasis on the necessity of de-escalating foreign relations, preventing the activation of the “snapback mechanism,” and even taking the nuclear initiative to exit the crisis. What do the opponents say? As usual, they shout “surrender!” and “submission!” as if any negotiation or tactical retreat from maximalist positions equates to selling out the country. This is a dangerous delusion that has pushed Iran to the brink of destruction. In reality, negotiation is a tool of rationality, and a calculated retreat where there is no other way out is a sign of courage, not fear.

However, some still have a grudge against the world. The result is what we see—sanction upon sanction, isolation, and now even legitimizing another war against Iran. Why should we pursue a path that ends with Iran becoming another Syria? The true art of diplomacy is to steer the country back from the edge of the abyss. The proposed plan emphasizes that Iran must be prepared to voluntarily suspend enrichment activities, accept stringent oversight from the International Atomic Energy Agency, but this process is contingent upon the complete lifting of crippling sanctions and the commencement of direct and comprehensive negotiations with the United States. At the same time, it should be noted that uranium enrichment has not yielded any tangible benefits for the people over these years.

This costly project has even failed to provide more than 1.3 percent of the country’s electricity and has therefore brought no serious economic achievement for the lives of citizens. Moreover, the enrichment facilities have been severely damaged, according to officials from the Islamic Republic, after the U.S. attack, and several million dollars will be needed to resume operations. Under such conditions, insisting on a program that has neither improved public welfare nor solved the country’s energy crisis means nothing but wasting resources and intensifying pressures. Is this “surrender,” or is it wisdom for saving the country? We signed the JCPOA once and showed the world that we are not seeking an atomic bomb; however, Trump’s withdrawal from the agreement and the dual games of Europe, coupled with the adventures of domestic hardliners, caused all those achievements to evaporate. Today, the reality is that if the snapback mechanism is activated and Iran’s case returns to the Security Council, there will be no supportive Russia and China, and even the few apparent friends will join the West in punishing Iran.

On that day, critics can shout whatever they want about “not yielding to pressure,” but they have effectively led the country to the brink of destruction. Patriotism is not a slogan; it is about results. Look at the outcome of the path of absolute confrontation: dwindling foreign reserves, a paralyzed economy, talented youth hopeless about the future and fleeing abroad, and enemies lurking for the final blow. If there is any sense, this vicious cycle must be stopped.

Resuming constructive engagement with the world, as the Front for the Reforms suggests, includes reconciling with neighbors and repairing Iran’s image in the region. Fortunately, steps like the recent agreement with Saudi Arabia have shown that even the government has realized that continued regional hostility only isolates Iran further. We can simultaneously defend the rights of Palestinians and collaborate peacefully with regional countries. In fact, if Iran abandons harsh slogans and adventurous policies, it will have a greater impact in genuinely supporting Palestine and its other ideals.

Regional cooperation to create sustainable peace, from Yemen to Syria and Lebanon, is beneficial for both us and our neighbors. This is an era of smart coalition-building. All countries prioritize their interests, and in today’s interconnected world, interests are secured through interaction, trade, and convergence, not through self-imposed isolation. Those who still have their minds trapped in Cold War trenches and the delusion of “insiders and outsiders” should understand that the world revolves around a different axis. Even superpowers have realized that rivalries must be managed; the U.S. and China, despite their differences, have intertwined economies. Yet some in Tehran prescribe severing relations with the world! This path only depletes the country of capital, technology, and international friends while pouring water into the mills of those enemies who claim to want to fight them.

A Golden Opportunity for Change: Tomorrow May Be Too Late

The authors of the national reconciliation plan call it a “golden opportunity” to save the country, and the reality is just that. Iranian society has reached a point where it must either take brave steps toward reform and return to the will of the people or fall into a gradual and bitter decline. Historical experiences from various countries indicate that reforms from within the government, if timely and serious, can make the transition to democracy and stability less costly.

Huntington identified three pathways for political transition: collapse from below, gradual change from above, and the third path, which is the simultaneous cooperation of reformists within the government and moderate opponents. It seems that the only scenario that can extricate Iran from its current deadlock is this third option; that is, national reconciliation and the unity of moderate forces from both sides to save the homeland.

If the government wisely grasps this outstretched hand from reformists, it will guarantee its own survival and return Iran to the path of development. If it does not and continues to beat the empty drum of false authority, it will accelerate centrifugal forces and factors of collapse.

In conclusion, it must be pointed out that no political system can hope for survival without continuous reform and the rebuilding of public trust. The Islamic Republic of Iran, after four decades, is now showing clear signs of fatigue in its structure and behavior. Continuing the status quo will only exacerbate this erosion and increase the anger of a society that has nothing left to lose. Thus, there are only two paths left: either a fundamental reform in the governance method or collapse. This change is not possible through external powers or through delusion and fantasy, but solely through brave will and internal strategy. Today may be the last opportunity for such a significant decision; tomorrow may be too late.