Memoirs of Akbar Hashemi – May 10, 1981

I wrote yesterday's diary entries and went to Parliament. Before attending the open session, I attended a meeting of the Investigation Committee for a discussion regarding the credentials of Messrs. Behrooziyeh and Mahmoudi.

Mr. Hosseini Tabataba'i Zaboli had news regarding Moftizadeh's conspiracy in Baluchestan. In the open session, [the bill establishing] the War Victims Affairs Foundation was approved, and the Councils Bill was submitted.

During the recess, Mr. Hadi Ghaffari reported the discovery of a quantity of iron in the Shemiran mountains that had been there since before the victory of the Revolution. It is a notable matter.

At noon, Mr. [Sheikh Fazlollah] Mahallati came to the office. He spoke of the lack of compromise between the Command Council and the commander of the IRGC (Sepah), and they hold the council at fault.

The Friday prayer leader of Gonbad, Mr. Emadi, came and complained about key officials in Mazandaran. It was agreed that I would help him.

Effat called and suggested selling her automatic Peugeot car, which I also agree with. It was agreed that Aqa Jalal would take action. We have had it since before the Revolution. Repairing it is difficult.

Mr. Emami Kashani came to request a plot of land from Parliament's grounds for the Propagation Council and the office of the Motahhari School, and we held discussions.

In the evening, I participated in the Central Council meeting of the Party. We had discussions regarding Mr. Beheshti's debate with the groups, the events in Shahrekord, the nationalization of foreign trade, the Prime Minister's and my brother Mohammad's trip to Qom, and Mr. Mir-Salim's resignation from the leadership of the War Victims Foundation due to the non-approval of expenditure exemption from the Accounting Law.

At night, Messrs. Reza'i and Mohammadzadeh came and had a discussion regarding recent decisions of the government and the Judicial Council concerning action against counter-revolutionary groups. The IRGC (Sepah) believes that we should not grant them political legitimacy and, given the war and obstructionist tactics, they should be dealt with decisively and suppressed. They view the Ministry of Interior's action as weak. I convinced them that an ultimatum (etmam-e hojjat) must first be given and the path to free political activity left open; if they refuse to respect the law and rebel—as they likely will not accept our law—in that case, force becomes permissible, and we strip them of excuses and playing the victim (mazloom-namayi), and the public will understand that they are conspirators. However, the main problem remains the President's relationship with them.