Mustafa Tajzadeh's open letter from prison

Resignation or submission to the people's vote!

Seyyed Mostafa Tajzadeh

First: The leader's mistaken strategies and miscalculations have placed the Islamic Republic in its weakest and most fragile state. High prices and inflation, as well as stagnation and unemployment, have burdened large segments of the population; the provision of services to citizens has become increasingly difficult; economic sanctions have tied the country's hands and feet and made it impossible to draw a clear vision. Indecision and suspense prevail in many areas.

Second: Currently, the possibility of obtaining reciprocal concessions commensurate with the other party's achievements in negotiations with the United States has been greatly reduced, and the effective lifting of sanctions is almost impossible. Especially since the negotiating party has recently, in addition to zero enrichment, also mumbled about limiting Iran's missile program. Leaving the negotiating table also gives Netanyahu and Trump an excuse for further adventurism and possible military aggression. Without negotiations, sanctions will continue and the problems of the homeland and people will intensify.

Third: The leader's ignorance of the world and his determination of unrealistic and inappropriate goals with the capacity and status of the system on the one hand, and the closing of the space for dialogue and criticism, the elimination of worthy people, and the removal of "yes-victims" on the other, have made Iran so vulnerable that, in addition to enduring back-breaking sanctions, it has also allowed the United States and Israel to attack our country in violation of international standards. I have no doubt in condemning the bloody and damaging 12-day aggression of the Israeli army and the legitimacy of the resistance against it.But the government could and should have acted in such a way that the great powers, with their sometimes deep differences, did not reach an agreement to sanction our country, or that Iran was not subjected to aerial aggression. It must be admitted with great sadness that the result of unnecessary and costly anti-Americanism, as well as the conflict with the will of the majority of the people, has been nothing but a bankrupt economy, a dark horizon, and the confusion of the Leader and other deluded officials who thought they could get in a car in Tehran and get off in Beirut.

Fourth: Only by bringing the nation into the scene can we change the unequal balance of power, make the lifting of sanctions accessible, and hope to remove the specter of war from the skies over Iran. Only with the active participation of the nation can we safely overcome the crises and, in fact, the current impasse.

Fifth: The accumulation of problems, the lack of vision, the multitude of grievances, and the decline of the political legitimacy of the system of Velayat-e Faqih have emboldened the Israeli government to harbor sinister dreams for Iran, not just for the Islamic Republic, such as creating chaos, instigating a civil war, and so on, and to talk about altering the map of the Middle East. In such a precarious situation, Mr. Khamenei has no choice but to apologize to the Iranian people and accept fundamental changes in accordance with national demands; including the formation of a Constituent Assembly, enabling constitutional reform through completely free and fair elections in a peaceful and civil manner, and following a path similar to that taken at the onset of the Constitutional Revolution; or to resign and withdraw so that significant changes in favor of the people can occur in his absence, preventing Iranians from falling into the abyss of statelessness.

Sixth: If the leader has the slightest doubt about the failure of the religious government and the majority of Iranians turning away from the system based on Velayat-e Faqih, he should agree to hold a referendum so that the nation can decide its own fate. The strategic point is that saving Iran depends on changing the game board. Conducting a referendum and/or forming a Constituent Assembly changes the battlefield without posing a threat to national security and interests.

Seventh: The will of the Iranian people to determine their own fate according to their own desires and interests is at stake, and with God’s help, they will realize it, and “Iran will be for all Iranians”; whether Mr. Khamenei complies with this undeniable right or opposes it. The difference lies in the speed, costs, and risks of the transition. If the leader hears the message of the people and aligns himself with their demands, the cost of transitioning from the inefficient, corruption-ridden, and discriminatory system of Velayat-e Faqih will be minimized and tend toward zero, making a peaceful transition to a democratic order and stable governance possible. The leader’s resistance to the people’s will increases the costs and risks of inevitable transformations and raises the likelihood of foreign exploitation of the rift between the government and the people. The government’s stubbornness against the people could trap Iran and Iranians in a disastrous state of statelessness, without being able to stabilize religious tyranny or prevent fundamental changes based on the will of the people.

Tehran Central Prison
July 23, 2025