What is the reformist government of Iran?

What Is Iran’s Reformist Government?

“Reformist Government” refers to a period in contemporary Iranian political history that began with the remarkable and unexpected victory of Seyed Mohammad Khatami in the seventh presidential election on 2 Khordad 1376 (May 23, 1997) and continued until Mordad 1384 (August 2005). This eight-year period, also referred to by terms such as the “2nd of Khordad Movement,” the “Reform Era,” and the “Political Development Government,” is considered one of the most dynamic, challenging, and at the same time vibrant political, social, and cultural periods after the 1979 Revolution. During this period, efforts were made to reinterpret and institutionalize concepts such as civil society, rule of law, political development, pluralism, and freedom of expression within the framework of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The emergence of the Reformist Government, which was the result of the synergy of demands from the younger generation, women, university students, intellectuals, and the urban middle class, brought about a profound change in the internal balance of power. This movement sought, through an internal and peaceful approach, to present a democratic, tolerant, and law-oriented reading of the political structure. The core slogans of this government—“Iran for all Iranians,” “Citizens’ rights,” “Rule of law,” “Civil society,” and “Dialogue among civilizations”—not only shaped domestic political discourse but also created a new atmosphere in international relations and restored Iran’s image on the global stage after a decade of relative isolation.

However, throughout these eight years, the government continuously faced strong resistance and structural challenges from parallel power institutions and conservative factions; to the extent that Seyed Mohammad Khatami later described this period with the famous phrase: “a crisis every nine days.” In examining the nature and performance of the Reformist Government, developments of this period can be analyzed in several major axes, including the background of its formation, the discourse of political development, security challenges, economic and foreign policy achievements, and finally the causes of its decline.

Background of the Formation of the 2nd of Khordad Movement

The driving force behind the 2nd of Khordad movement was the demographic and cultural transformations of Iran in the 1990s, which fundamentally changed voter behavior patterns. Understanding these contexts is essential to explain the sudden emergence of a political wave with nearly 20 million votes.

Awakening of the Middle Class and Demands of the New Generation

After the end of the Iran–Iraq War in 1988 and during the administration of the Reconstruction Government led by Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani (1989–1997), the main focus of the state was on rebuilding the country’s economic, infrastructural, and industrial foundations. Economic adjustment policies, partial privatization, and the rapid expansion of higher education during this period—accompanied by the establishment of dozens of public, Azad, and non-profit universities—led to the quantitative and qualitative growth of a “new middle class” in Iran. The number of university students increased from around 200,000 at the end of the 1980s to more than 1.2 million by the mid-1990s.

At the same time, a new generation born and raised after the Revolution emerged with concerns different from the previous generation. This generation, which had not directly experienced war and revolution, sought social freedoms, employment opportunities, engagement with the world, and cultural openness rather than ideological slogans. Mohammad Khatami’s campaign slogans—such as “citizens’ rights,” “rule of law,” “respect for human dignity,” and “civil society”—were precisely a response to the accumulated demands of this generation and this social class.

The 2nd of Khordad 1997 Election and an Unexpected Victory

The seventh presidential election was held on 2 Khordad 1376 (May 23, 1997). The main candidate of the traditional right-wing faction and the preferred candidate of most prominent clerics and official institutions was Ali-Akbar Nategh-Nouri, then Speaker of the Parliament. On the other side, Seyed Mohammad Khatami, a reform-minded cleric and former Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance who had resigned in 1992 due to pressure from the right-wing faction and was later appointed head of the National Library, entered the race with the support of the Association of Combatant Clerics, the Executives of Construction Party, and a broad range of intellectual and student forces.

The general expectation was Nategh-Nouri’s victory; however, the result of the election became one of the biggest political surprises in post-revolutionary Iran. Khatami won with nearly 20 million votes (about 69% of the total) and, with around 80% voter turnout, achieved a landslide victory. The unprecedented participation of women and young people, and the negative vote against the traditional right in major cities, were defining features of this election. The day of 2 Khordad later became known in political literature as the starting point of a socio-political movement called the “2nd of Khordad Movement.”

Image

The unexpected victory of Seyed Mohammad Khatami in the seventh presidential election, with nearly 20 million votes.

Coalition of Supporting Forces

The Reformist Government did not emerge from a single party, but from a coalition of diverse parties, movements, and political forces. At the center of this coalition was the “2nd of Khordad Front,” which included parties and organizations such as the Association of Combatant Clerics (led by Mehdi Karroubi), the Executives of Construction Party (with figures such as Gholamhossein Karbaschi and Ata’ollah Mohajerani), the Islamic Iran Participation Front (founded in 1998, whose secretary-general was Seyed Mohammad Reza Khatami, the president’s brother), the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution Organization (with figures such as Behzad Nabavi, Mohammad Salamati, and Mostafa Tajzadeh), the Islamic Association of University Lecturers, the Office for Strengthening Unity, and the Qom Seminary Combatant Clergy Society.

The intellectual spectrum of reform supporters was also diverse: from modernist clerics such as Ayatollah Seyed Mohammad Mousavi Khoeiniha and Ayatollah Seyed Mohammad Mousavi Bojnourdi, to theorists such as Saeed Hajjarian (presidential advisor and one of the intellectual architects of the reform movement), Abdolkarim Soroush (who expanded modern religious discourse during this period), Mohsen Kadivar, Akbar Ganji, Mostafa Malekian, and national-religious groups led by figures such as Ezzatollah Sahabi.

Discourse of Political Development and New Institutions

The main doctrine of the reformist government was prioritizing “political development” over purely economic development; a doctrine formulated through the theories of Saeed Hajjarian and the intellectual circle of the 2nd of Khordad movement. This approach argued that sustainable economic development is impossible without accountable political institutions, active parties, free press, and a strong civil society.

Media and the Fourth Pillar of Democracy

One of the tangible manifestations of this doctrine was the formation of civil society foundations through the issuance of licenses for dozens of newspapers, publications, and NGOs. During the tenure of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance under Ata’ollah Mohajerani (1997–2000) and later Ahmad Masjed-Jamei (2000–2005), hundreds of publishing licenses were issued for new media outlets, and Iran experienced an unprecedented flourishing of the press.

Newspapers such as “Jameeh” (the first major reformist newspaper, edited by Mashallah Shamsolvaezin, published in 1998), “Tous,” “Entekhab,” “Asr-e Azadegan,” “Sobhe Emrooz” (run by Saeed Hajjarian), “Khordad” (run by Abdollah Nouri), “Norouz,” “Bayan,” and “Iran-e Farda” (a national-religious publication led by Ezzatollah Sahabi), along with dozens of others, profoundly transformed the country’s discursive space. These publications played a key role in raising public awareness, criticizing power structures, introducing new political concepts, and exposing cases of legal violations. At the same time, many of these newspapers were repeatedly shut down and later relaunched under different names or management—a phenomenon known at the time as “killing the cat at the threshold” or “shutdown and reopening cycles.”

Revival of City and Village Councils

One of the most lasting structural achievements of the reformist government was the implementation of the neglected constitutional principles regarding the establishment of “Islamic City and Village Councils.” These principles (Articles 100 to 106 of the Constitution), had remained inactive since 1979. On February 26, 1999, the first local council elections were held nationwide, transferring part of urban and local governance back to the people after two decades. This was a major step toward decentralization and local democracy.

The first Tehran City Council, which included prominent figures such as Saeed Hajjarian, Abbas Duzduzani, Jameleh Kadivar, Mohammad Atrianfar, and Ahmad Hakimi-Pour, became one of the most important institutional experiences of this period. The council appointed Morteza Alviri and later Mohammad-Hassan Malek-Madani as mayors of Tehran and is considered one of the most active city councils in Iran’s history, though it faced internal tensions in later years.

Expansion of NGOs and Professional Associations

During the reform era, the number of active non-governmental organizations in Iran increased significantly. Women’s organizations, environmental groups, human rights organizations, charities, journalists’ unions, teachers’ associations, children’s rights groups, and many others either received licenses or expanded their activities. The Writers’ Association of Iran, which had been inactive since the 1960s, attempted to resume its activities, although these efforts faced significant obstacles.

Challenges, Obstruction, and Security Crises

The transformative approach of the reformist government quickly faced strong resistance from traditional factions and parallel power institutions that viewed pluralism and separation of powers as a threat to the foundations of the system. The eight years of the reform era effectively became a continuous struggle between the elected government and parallel centers of power.

Chain Murders

One of the most shocking crises of the reform period emerged in December 1998. Within a short period, several intellectuals, writers, and political activists were mysteriously killed: Dariush Forouhar and his wife Parvaneh Eskandari, leaders of the Nation of Iran Party, were brutally murdered in their home in Tehran. Shortly after, Mohammad Mokhtari and Mohammad-Jafar Pouyandeh, two writers and members of the Writers’ Association, were abducted and killed within a month.

Investigations by journalists such as Akbar Ganji and Emadeddin Baghi revealed that these killings were part of a long chain of extrajudicial assassinations that had existed for years, including earlier victims such as Pirouz Davani.

President Mohammad Khatami formed a special investigative committee including Ali Rabiei, Ali Younesi, and Seyed Mohsen Armin. In December 1998, the Ministry of Intelligence issued an official statement admitting that the crimes were carried out by a group of “rogue elements” within the ministry. Following this disclosure, Intelligence Minister Qorbanali Dorri-Najafabadi resigned, and Saeed Emami, the deputy intelligence official, was arrested as the main suspect. Emami died under suspicious circumstances in prison in June 1999—officially ruled a suicide, though doubts remain.

The partial restructuring of the Ministry of Intelligence and the appointment of Ali Younesi as minister was one of the security achievements of this period, but the chain murder cases were never fully resolved judicially, and the main masterminds remain unknown.

Tehran University Dormitory Incident

On July 9, 1999, the closure of the reformist newspaper “Salam” triggered student protests at Tehran University dormitories. A peaceful gathering of students was violently attacked by plainclothes forces and police units. Severe beatings, destruction of property, burning of rooms, and reports of students being thrown from windows made this one of the most tragic post-revolution university incidents.

Protests spread to surrounding streets and then other cities. The unrest lasted several days before being suppressed. Official reports mentioned one death (Ezzat Ebrahim-Nejad), but independent accounts suggested higher casualties and hundreds of arrests. The incident deepened the divide between student activists and conservative power structures.

Assassination Attempt on Saeed Hajjarian

On March 12, 2000, Saeed Hajjarian, presidential advisor and Tehran city council member, was shot by a motorcyclist outside the city council building. The bullet caused severe and permanent damage, leaving him physically disabled. The attacker, Saeed Asgar, was arrested and sentenced but was later released after a short prison term.

Mass Closure of Newspapers

On April 20, 2000, following the reformists’ landslide victory in the 6th parliamentary elections, the judiciary shut down more than 20 reformist newspapers in a single day. This action followed a speech by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who described some reformist media as “enemy bases.” Subsequent legal reforms to the press law were also halted by a directive from the Supreme Leader.

In the following months, many journalists—including Akbar Ganji, Emadeddin Baghi, Mashallah Shamsolvaezin, Ahmad Zeidabadi, and Shahla Lahiji—were arrested and prosecuted.

Berlin Conference Case

In April 2000, a conference titled “Iran After the Elections” was held in Berlin by the Heinrich Böll Foundation. Several Iranian intellectuals and activists attended. During the event, anti-government protesters disrupted the conference with provocative actions that were widely broadcast in Iran and used by conservative media as propaganda against reformists.

Upon return, many participants were arrested and charged with “acting against national security,” leading to long prison sentences for some.

Imam Khomeini Airport Crisis

In May 2004, during the inauguration of Imam Khomeini International Airport, IRGC forces blocked the runway with armored vehicles, preventing the first landing. The conflict arose over a contract with a Turkish consortium (TAV). This became one of the clearest examples of direct confrontation between parallel institutions and the elected government.

Judicial Cases Against Key Figures

Several reformist figures faced judicial cases during this period. Gholamhossein Karbaschi, Tehran’s mayor during the construction era, was sentenced to five years in prison on financial charges. Abdollah Nouri, former Interior Minister, was also sentenced to five years. Ata’ollah Mohajerani faced repeated impeachment attempts and eventually resigned in 2000.

The “Double Bills”

In the final years of his presidency, Khatami introduced two strategic bills:

First, the bill to reform the election law, aimed at limiting the broad interpretation of “supervisory oversight” by the Guardian Council.

Second, the bill defining presidential powers and responsibilities under Article 113 of the Constitution, aimed at enabling the president to address constitutional violations by other institutions.

Both bills were approved by Parliament but rejected by the Guardian Council and ultimately failed in the Expediency Discernment Council. Khatami eventually withdrew them in 2004, a move that was met with mixed reactions from supporters.

Economic Performance

Contrary to the perception that the reformist government ignored economic issues, macroeconomic indicators show a different picture. Despite a sharp decline in global oil prices (falling below $10 per barrel in some periods), the government maintained relative economic stability.

Structural Economic Reforms

One of the most important reforms was the unification of the exchange rate system in 2002. Private banks such as Parsian, Eghtesad Novin, Karafarin, and Saman were established. The Oil Stabilization Fund was created in 1999 to save oil revenues for future use. Foreign investment laws were also improved.

Macroeconomic Indicators

Average economic growth during this period was around 5–5.5%. Inflation decreased from about 17% to around 10% in mid-years. Foreign debt declined, and per capita income increased. However, unemployment—especially among youth—remained a major challenge.

Dialogue Among Civilizations and Foreign Policy

Iran’s foreign policy became more active during this period. In 1998, President Khatami proposed the “Dialogue Among Civilizations” at the UN General Assembly as an alternative to Huntington’s “Clash of Civilizations.” The proposal was widely welcomed, and the UN declared 2001 as the “Year of Dialogue Among Civilizations.”

Image

Elaboration of the Doctrine of the “Dialogue Among Civilizations” at the 53rd Session of the United Nations General Assembly

Listen | Full speech by Seyed Mohammad Khatami at the United Nations and the proposal to designate 2001 as the Year of the Dialogue Among Civilizations

Coalition of Supporting Forces

The Reformist government did not emerge from a single party, but from a coalition of diverse parties, currents, and political forces. At the center of this coalition was the “2nd of Khordad Front,” which included parties and organizations such as the Association of Combatant Clerics (led by Mehdi Karroubi), the Executives of Construction Party (with figures such as Gholamhossein Karbaschi and Ataollah Mohajerani), the Islamic Iran Participation Front (founded in 1998, with Mohammad Reza Khatami, the president’s brother, as its secretary-general), the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution Organization (with figures such as Behzad Nabavi, Mohammad Salamati, and Mostafa Tajzadeh), the Islamic Association of University Lecturers, the Office for Strengthening Unity, and the Society of Combatant Clergy of Qom.

The ideological spectrum of Reform supporters was also diverse: from modernist clerics such as Ayatollah Mohammad Mousavi Khoeiniha and Ayatollah Mohammad Mousavi Bojnourdi, to theorists such as Saeed Hajjarian (presidential advisor and one of the intellectual architects of Reform), Abdolkarim Soroush (who expanded modern religious discourse during this period), Mohsen Kadivar, Akbar Ganji, Mostafa Malekian, and the National-Religious groups led by figures such as Ezzatollah Sahabi.

Political Development Discourse and New Institutions

The main doctrine of the Reformist government was prioritizing “political development” over “pure economic development,” a doctrine formulated through the theories of Saeed Hajjarian and the intellectual circle of the 2nd of Khordad movement. This approach argued that sustainable economic development is impossible without accountable political institutions, active parties, free media, and a strong civil society.

Media and the Fourth Estate of Democracy

One of the practical manifestations of this doctrine was the formation of civil society foundations through the issuance of licenses for dozens of newspapers, journals, and NGOs. During the tenure of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance under Ataollah Mohajerani (1997–2000) and later Ahmad Masjed-Jamei (2000–2005), hundreds of publishing licenses were granted, leading to an unprecedented flourishing of the media environment in Iran.

Newspapers such as Jameh (the first prominent reformist daily, edited by Mashallah Shamsolvaezin, published in 1998), Tous, Entekhab, Asr-e Azadegan, Sobh-e Emrooz (managed by Saeed Hajjarian), Khordad (managed by Abdollah Nouri), Neshat, Bayan, Iran-e Farda (a National-Religious journal led by Ezzatollah Sahabi), and many others transformed the country’s discourse landscape. These publications played a crucial role in public awareness, criticizing power structures, introducing new political concepts, and exposing cases of legal violations. Many of them, however, were periodically shut down and later relaunched under new names or management—a phenomenon known at the time as “killing the goose before slaughtering it” or cycles of closure and reopening.

Revival of City and Village Councils

One of the most lasting structural achievements of the Reformist government was the implementation of the long-unused constitutional provisions for the establishment of “Islamic City and Village Councils.” These provisions (Articles 100–106 of the Constitution) had remained largely unimplemented since 1979. On March 7, 1999, the first local council elections were held nationwide, transferring part of local governance to the people after two decades. This was a major step toward decentralization and local democracy.

The first Tehran City Council, which included prominent figures such as Saeed Hajjarian, Abbas Duzduzani, Jamileh Kadivar, Mohammad Atrianfar, and Ahmad Hakimipour, became one of the most important institutional experiments of the period. It appointed Morteza Alviri and later Mohammad-Hassan Malek-Madani as mayor of Tehran and became one of the most active councils in Iran’s history, although it later faced internal tensions.

Expansion of NGOs and Professional Associations

During the Reform era, the number of active NGOs in Iran increased dramatically. Women’s organizations, environmental groups, human rights associations, charities, journalists’ unions, teachers’ associations, children’s rights organizations, and many others received licenses or expanded their activities. The Writers’ Association of Iran, which had been effectively inactive since the 1960s, attempted to resume activity, although it faced significant obstacles.

Challenges, Obstruction, and Security Crises

The transformative agenda of the Reformist government quickly faced strong resistance from traditional forces and parallel power institutions, which viewed pluralism and separation of powers as a threat to the system’s foundations. The eight years of the Reformist government essentially became a prolonged confrontation between an elected government and parallel centers of power.

Chain Murders

One of the most shocking crises of the Reform era was revealed in December 1998. Within a short period, several intellectuals and political activists were mysteriously murdered: Dariush and Parvaneh Forouhar were brutally killed in their home in Tehran. Shortly after, Mohammad Mokhtari and Mohammad-Ja’far Pouyandeh, two writers and members of the Writers’ Association, were kidnapped and murdered. Investigations by journalists such as Akbar Ganji and Emadeddin Baghi revealed that these killings were part of a long chain of political assassinations stretching back years.

President Khatami formed a special investigative committee including Ali Rabiei, Ali Younesi, and Mohsen Armin. In January 1999, the Ministry of Intelligence announced that the murders were carried out by “rogue elements” within the ministry. Following this, Intelligence Minister Qorban-Ali Dorri-Najafabadi resigned, and Saeed Emami, deputy intelligence official, was arrested as the main suspect. Emami later died in custody in June 1999 under suspicious circumstances, officially labeled as suicide, though doubts remain.

Ali Younesi’s appointment as intelligence minister marked partial restructuring of the ministry, but the case was never fully resolved judicially, and the main masterminds were never clearly identified.

University Dormitory Incident (18 Tir)

On July 9, 1999, the closure of the reformist newspaper Salam triggered student protests at Tehran University dormitories. Peaceful student gatherings were attacked by plainclothes forces and police, leading to severe violence, destruction of property, fires in dorm rooms, and reports of students being thrown from windows.

Protests spread to streets in Tehran and other cities. Official figures reported one death and several injuries, but independent reports suggested higher casualties. Although an investigation was conducted, only low-level perpetrators were punished, and the main instigators were never prosecuted.

This event deepened the divide between radical student movements and the more cautious segments of the government, revealing the limits of presidential power against parallel institutions.

Assassination Attempt on Saeed Hajjarian

On March 12, 2000, Saeed Hajjarian, presidential advisor and Tehran City Council member, was shot by a motorcycle gunman outside the City Council building. The shot caused severe permanent disability, significantly limiting his physical and speech abilities. The attack was widely interpreted as targeting the intellectual core of the Reform movement.

Mass Closure of Newspapers

On April 19, 2000, following the Reformists’ victory in the 6th Parliament elections, the judiciary ordered the mass closure of more than 20 reformist newspapers in a single day. This action followed a speech by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei criticizing reformist media. Shortly afterward, journalists and activists such as Akbar Ganji, Emadeddin Baghi, Mashallah Shamsolvaezin, Ahmad Zeidabadi, and Shahla Lahiji were arrested and prosecuted.

Berlin Conference Case

In April 2000, a conference titled “Iran After the Elections” was held in Berlin by the Heinrich Böll Foundation. Several Iranian intellectuals and activists participated. Controversial actions during the event were later used in Iran to portray participants as anti-state actors. Upon return, many were arrested and charged with national security offenses.

Imam Khomeini Airport Crisis

In April 2004, on the day of the official inauguration of Imam Khomeini International Airport, Revolutionary Guard forces blocked the runway with armored vehicles, preventing the landing of the first flight. The crisis stemmed from disputes over a contract with a Turkish consortium. The issue continued for months before being resolved through contract changes and domestic restructuring.

Judicial Cases Against Key Figures

Several Reformist figures faced legal cases. Gholamhossein Karbaschi, Tehran’s mayor, was sentenced to five years in prison for financial charges (later pardoned). Abdollah Nouri, former interior minister and editor of Khordad, was sentenced to five years. Ataollah Mohajerani faced impeachment attempts and resigned in 2000.

Dual Bills (Loayehaye Douqloo)

Toward the end of the first presidency term, two major bills were introduced: one to reform election law and limit the Guardian Council’s oversight, and another to define presidential powers in implementing the constitution. Both were passed by Parliament but rejected by the Guardian Council and ultimately withdrawn.

Economic Performance

Despite perceptions of a politically focused government, macroeconomic indicators show relative stability. Growth averaged around 5–5.5%, inflation decreased in mid-years, and foreign debt declined.

Structural reforms included unified exchange rates in 2002, creation of private banks, establishment of the Oil Stabilization Fund in 1999, and foreign investment laws in 2002. However, unemployment, especially among youth, remained a major challenge.

Foreign Policy and Dialogue of Civilizations

The government pursued active diplomacy and introduced the “Dialogue Among Civilizations” theory at the UN General Assembly in 1998. The UN declared 2001 as the “Year of Dialogue Among Civilizations.”

Regional De-escalation and Neighbor Relations

Relations improved significantly with Gulf states, especially Saudi Arabia. Cooperation with Arab states increased, and Iran hosted the Organization of Islamic Cooperation summit in 1997.

Relations with Europe improved through high-level visits and negotiations, including nuclear talks that led to the Tehran Declaration in 2003.

Relations with the US saw brief thawing under Clinton and early Bush years but deteriorated after the “Axis of Evil” speech in 2002. A broader diplomatic proposal (“Grand Bargain”) reportedly went unanswered.

Decline and End of Reform Era

The disqualification of thousands of candidates in the 2004 parliamentary elections marked a turning point. Reformists staged a 25-day protest in parliament but failed.

In the 2005 presidential election, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won, marking the end of the Reform era.

Causes of Decline

Factors included institutional resistance, internal divisions, focus on cultural issues over economic demands, and emergence of a strong conservative political structure.

Debates and Interpretations

Radical Reformists advocated “exit from power,” while moderates supported gradual reform within the system. Conservatives criticized the government for Western influence and neglect of economic issues.

Legacy

The Reform era institutionalized concepts such as civil society, political development, and citizenship rights. Despite setbacks, its intellectual and institutional legacy continues to influence Iranian politics.