Dear Mr. Vahedi, editor-in-chief of the ten-year-old newspaper Aftab Yazd in the Islamic Republic and current political activist and YouTuber,

Greetings to you.

I wish you had at least adhered to professional ethics; if you write something about me, you should mention me so that my response does not come late.

First of all, I am glad that Abdul Media’s Telegram channel serves as a primary news source for you and is so important that you immediately see it, take screenshots, tweet about it, and react.

Now, if you yourself are not part of these programs and policies that you are worried about, and of course, I have not received any credible information regarding this matter, instead of making baseless accusations against me due to my straightforward questions as a journalist, it is very, very simple to clarify my transparent ambiguities regarding the individuals you have mentioned.

Is it difficult?

How is it that Mr. Hojjatoleslam wal-Muslimeen Mehdi Nasiri, who courageously criticizes the leader and the entire system of the Islamic Republic from within the country, then travels freely and without obstacles to Canada?

Now that it is completely clear, fortunately, that the Islamic Republic, the Special Clergy Prosecutor's Office, the Intelligence Organization of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and other intelligence-judicial bodies have placed no restrictions on this outspoken critic of the regime, including preventing him from leaving the country.

Doesn't his statement link reformist prisoners, including Mr. Seyyed Mostafa Tajzadeh, and non-imprisoned reformists who are under internal intelligence scrutiny—even if hypothetically (emphasizing hypothetically) they might entertain the idea of going beyond the current Islamic Republic—to being part of a subversive movement? Would this not make their already constrained situation even harder by giving the Islamic Republic a pretext to not differentiate between subversion and reform?

Isn’t their current difficult situation inside the country sufficient?

With the profoundly wise statements of Mr. Nasiri, the silence of internal reformists is one narrative, and their reaction to his remarks is another.

What system’s desired outcome is this except for the intelligence apparatus of the Islamic Republic?

Regarding Hojjatoleslam wal-Muslimeen Dr. Barahani, I posed five questions about his explicit claims in cyberspace, the foremost being: “What was the outcome of Mr. Barahani’s alleged complaint against Ahmad Vahidi, the Minister of Interior, for issuing illegal orders and forming the Hijab and Chastity Headquarters?”

Or what happened to the results of multiple complaints from the Chief Commander of the National Police (FARAJA) and the intelligence and protection organizations and the Intelligence Organization of the IRGC regarding Dr. Barahani, who himself claimed to have made complaints?

Is it difficult to answer these simple questions even in general terms?

Whether I say that you are currently one of the active agents in identifying, attracting, and directing opponents of the Islamic Republic abroad through communication and media tools such as Twitter and YouTube, or that your vision problem stems from an issue you had in childhood, is just as irrelevant as your logic for accusing me of “casting doubt and being appreciative of the benefiting institutions”!!!

Mr. Mojtaba Vahedi!

Having been part of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s establishment and close to the centers of power for a long time, and given that your eligibility to be the editor of a newspaper at that level for the intelligence system was secured even with the consultation of one of the prominent leaders of the time, do you truly understand this behavior and actions I have mentioned, or is your benefit in ignoring it?

Wishing you success.