We had an open session. The bill on abolishing the phrase "Imperial Decree" (Farman-e Homayouni) and replacing it with the order of another authority was raised. The liberals were upset to see that Mr. Bani-Sadr's power in the Central Bank was being lost.
We had an open session. The bill on abolishing the phrase "Imperial Decree" (Farman-e Homayouni) and replacing it with the order of another authority was raised. The liberals were upset to see that Mr. Bani-Sadr's power in the Central Bank was being lost. They tried to prevent the Parliament session from forming a quorum, which it did, but the work remained unfinished.
In a letter, Mr. Bani-Sadr requested from me the tape of Mr. [Behzad] Nabavi's remarks in the previous closed session so that, if he saw fit, he could come to Parliament and make some statements; but I see no authorization to hand over confidential parliamentary documents, and I have not yet sent a response to the letter.
At noon, Faezeh and her friend[1] were our guests and stayed in my office. Then Effat, Aqdas-Khanom, Mehdi, and Yaser came. The office became a family environment and was pleasant. They came to attend the marriage ceremony (aqd) of Faezeh's friend, and after the ceremony, they went to the Refah School.
In the evening, I had a television interview on the occasion of the anniversary of the opening of Parliament. Mr. Khalil Hedayat came and complained that the Tax Office (Darayi) was penalizing him over a tax check—which he had withheld late in the Taghout era on the Imam's order, paid after the Revolution, and which has not been cashed to date, and now they want to fine him. I wrote to the Minister of Finance to resolve the problem.
Mr. Hassan Behrooziyeh, representative of Kaleybar whose credentials will be raised in Parliament next week, came. He explained his situation. Then Engineer [Ezzatollah] Sahabi came and asked for my help regarding the approval of his credentials, as well as resolving the problem of Engineer Mansour Sahabi, who had been barred from working at the cement factory by order of the Revolutionary Prosecutor's representative on charges of cooperating with the Mojahedin (Monafeqan).
A group of ulema from Gorgan also came, complaining about the Friday prayer leader of Gorgan, and brought a letter from the ulema of Mazandaran for the Imam. I do not wish to intervene in such disputes.
A Revolutionary Guard (Pasdar) also came, and I recited his marriage contract.
At night, we had a meeting at the Shahid Motahhari School to organize the schedule for Islamic studies classes. Messrs. Bahonar, Khamenei, Javadi Amoli, [Abdolmajid] Ma'adikhah, Emami Kashani, and Haqqani were present. At eleven o'clock at night, I headed home.
[1] After the Revolution, according to a resolution by Committee No. 2 of the Revolutionary Council, all powers of the Shah were transferred to the President. Following the formation of Mohammad-Ali Rajai's government, Bani-Sadr adopted positions against him and his cabinet from the very beginning, making maximum use of all available means—including the Imperial Decree (Farman-e Homayouni) resolution of the Revolutionary Council Committee—to weaken Rajai's government. By using this law, he had stripped the government of the authority to appoint and dismiss the Chief of Police (Shahrbani), the Commander of the Gendarmerie, and most importantly, the Governor of the Central Bank, to the extent that during the most critical early days of the war, the government had no control over the Central Bank or the country's foreign exchange reserves. Therefore, the Islamic Consultative Assembly passed the law under the title of removing the phrase "Imperial Decree" in order to strengthen Rajai's government.
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