Conversation Roghani Zanjani: All government policies are reflected in the budget Saeed Zibakalam: I do not regret the 1978 Revolution. Roghani Zanjani: First of all, I consider the current crisis to be an economic crisisPreviousNext Saeed Zibakalam: With Reza Pahlavi's arrival, this situation of democracy, discrimination, embezzlement, and bribery will not be resolved. Roghani Zanjani: A huge legitimacy gap has formed between the new generation and the previous generation Saeed Zibakalam: I am opposed to any sudden change enforced by force and physical means.These practices will continue the cycle of authoritarian rule and authoritarian culture. Saeed Zibakalam: Hassan Rouhani has committed plagiarism, lied, and tricked people!He has neither the necessary university education [for the guardianship of the jurist] nor the necessary seminary knowledge. Roghani Zanjani: You cannot tell the Houthis to fight and not provide them with resources! Strategic policies dictate the allocation of resources and indicate the strategic priority of governance Saeed Zibakalam: As long as political and media activists stay silent, the current approach will continue.I can easily imagine that this current Supreme Leader or the next Supreme Leader will revise everything that has been done so far. Roghani Zanjani: The government's public revenues for this year are nearly 2,446 trillion rials.The budget deficit for the first eight months of the year 2024 was 783 trillion rials. Roghani Zanjani: This year's budget tries to prevent the crisisThe unemployment rate will increase by 12% in 2025 Saeed Zibakalam: The Guardianship of the Jurist is also a theory; don’t peg it to religion!Some religious authorities and seminary scholars do not accept the guardianship of the jurist. Saeed Zibakalam: We revolutionaries have made mistakes that we need to reconsider.One of the factors behind the slogan 'Reza Shah, may your soul be happy' is the people's living conditions. Saeed Zibakalam: Which of our political and press courts will be held with the presence of a jury?! How did Articles 26 and 27 get out of our constitution?! Saeed Zibakalam: Today, without having a court, we actually have a court!We have a court that has added "deception"—the third wing—to its existing "wealth and power." Saeed Zibakalam: We turned our backs on republicanism, democracy, and political parties!The decadent political culture of the monarchy slowly moved forward from February 1979 to March 1979. Watch | 2026 Budget Against Livelihood; Rescue or Continuation of the Crisis? Featuring Masoud Roghani Zanjani Saeed Zibakalam: I am sure many ministers and officials know a lot of things; but they don't reveal them until they feel the time is right!When disorder arises, some members of parliament start talking; they bring up things from three, four, or ten years ago! Saeed Zibakalam: During the Pahlavi era, we didn't have anything called culture or party activityAfter the first step of the revolution, we had to move on to forming political parties. Saeed Zibakalam: Our parties are either scripted or decorative!I don't know of any powerful party in Iran. Saeed Zibakalam: In the 1979 revolution, only one step of the revolution was takenThe 1979 revolution was nothing more than removing a number of important and influential political figures from the Shah's regime! Watch/ Examining the obstacles of republicanism in the midst of structural reforms and political obstruction with the presence of Dr. Saeed Zibakalam, professor of philosophy at Tehran University Abdolreza Davari: I believe that part of the future of the Islamic Republic lies in the ideas of Mr. Qalibaf The third leadership period will bring a transformation based on authority and pragmatism and moving towards development Abdolreza Davari: I consider the issue of the monarchy returning to Iran to be out of the questionMr. Reza Pahlavi has distanced himself significantly from the monarchy paradigm. Abdolreza Davari: The officials of the Islamic Republic were themselves subversives before 1979!The Islamic Republic knows how to contain protests because it was once a subversive government itself. Abdolreza Davari: I see Mr. Pezeshkian's government—within the paradigm of governance—as being in a complete dead end.The 2026 budget is a war budget. Abdolreza Davari: Mr. Pezeshkian must either change his strategy or step aside.Mr. Pezeshkian's government is a peacetime government. Abdolreza Davari: Concentration of power reduces accountability; however, it must increase efficiency.I believe that the Iranian people prefer a concentration of power that increases efficiency in proportion to that concentration. Will the Islamic Republic collapse after Ayatollah Khamenei?In the moment of an existential crisis, the entirety of society's religious forces—despite their criticisms—become a unified whole. Abdolreza Davari: Structural reform is absolutely not part of Ayatollah Khamenei’s leadership paradigm.Ayatollah Khamenei considers strategic retreat to be religiously forbidden (haram). Abdolreza Davari: The third leadership will not deviate from the track established by the second leader.There may be differences in some tactics; however, the track remains the "Second Step of the Revolution." Abdolreza Davari: Sanctions have completely ruled out the possibility of regime change, uprisings, and popular revolutions in Iran.A society that is fighting for its survival does not have the energy for structural change. Abdolreza Davari: The Baqiyatallah al-Azam Headquarters is the implementer of the "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution."I consider the "Chastity and Hijab Law" to be a part of the "society-building" process within the framework of the Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution. Abdolreza Davari: From the perspective of the author of the "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution," the current crisis lies within the structure of the government.My prediction is that the "Second Step of the Revolution" will bring about a structural change within the Islamic Republic. Abdolreza Davari: What is proposed in the "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution" is not compatible with liberal democracy or pure republicanism.The "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution" is a very transparent and clear document. Abdolreza Davari: If our structural changes are based on the "Statement of the Second Step," responsibilities will become transparent.Today, in the midst of various crises, you cannot hold anyone accountable. Abdolreza Davari: The 20-year vision document could not function without a foreign policy compatible with the global order.If our foreign policy had not entered into such conflicts, that document would have been achievable. Abdolreza Davari: Since 2019, no power source has had the ability to influence the leadership's direction-setting.After 2019, a period of undisputed space began for Ayatollah Khamenei. Tonight Live | An Examination of the Obstacles to Republicanism Amidst Structural Reforms and Political Gridlock, featuring Dr. Saeed Zibakalam, Professor of Philosophy at the University of Tehran.8:00 PM Iran Time Watch | From the Second Phase of the Revolution to the Mystery of Power / The Mystery of the Future of the Islamic Republic After Ayatollah Khamenei; Collapse or Rebirth? Featuring Abdolreza Davari, Media Activist. Live Tonight | From the Second Step of the Revolution to the Enigma of Power / The Enigma of the Future of the Islamic Republic After Ayatollah Khamenei: Collapse or Rebirth?With the presence of Abdolreza Davari, media activist, at 20:00 Iran time. Fazel Meybodi: The [Assembly of] Experts must seek advice from specialists outside the Assembly in the process of choosing the next leader.This movement will not allow a person like Mr. Khatami to be considered for the next leadership. Fazel Meybodi: The inner freedom that existed in the seminaries before the Revolution does not exist today.For a peaceful transition from the second leadership to the third, Article 5 of the Constitution must be put to a referendum Fazel Meybodi: There is a certain gang and group that wants to enforce Hijab in society through fines.In our country, a movement has taken over sensitive positions that possesses neither political literacy nor the knowledge to manage society. Fazel Meybodi: 50–60% of the country's problems lie in the issue of implementation.Some flaws also stem from the structure of the government and the center of gravity of its policies. Fazel Meybodi: The experience of religious government has not been a successful one.If real criticism had been allowed, we would not have ended up here! Fazel Meybodi: Political freedom in the IRIB (Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting) is not in the interest of certain eulogists and political and economic mafias.The final word must be spoken by the wise members of society. Fazel Meybodi: No one imagined that one year after the revolution, we would be facing the Kurdistan issue!Mr. Khomeini's pre-revolutionary perspective was vastly different from his post-revolutionary outlook. Fazel Meybodi: The Mojahedin-e Khalq and the Freedom Movement also believed that there is a concept of government in Islam.The model for this government was Imam Ali, and its manifesto was the Nahj al-Balagha. Fazel Meybodi: The rotation of power controls individual greed.At the beginning of the Revolution, many leftists in their newspapers were saying "Bravo" to Khalkhali [for his executions]! Fazel Meybodi: Ayatollah Khomeini's acceptance of the title "Imam" was not a new phenomenon in the culture of the clergy.Ayatollah Khamenei did not possess the charismatic personality of the Imam. Fazel Meybodi: No one recognized Ayatollah Khomeini as the "Vali-e Faqih" (Guardian Jurist); he was known as the Leader of the Revolution.Ayatollah Khamenei did not possess the charismatic personality of the Imam (Khomeini). Fazel Meybodi: [At the beginning of the revolution] no one had experience with Islamic ruleNo one thought about the drawbacks of the path we were taking. See | Islam and the Islamic Republic; The Future of a Governmental ReadingIn the presence of Hajj Sheikh Mohammad Taqi Fazel Meybodi, member of the Qom Seminary's Researchers and Teachers' Assembly Mahmoudian: I accept Mr. [Mehdi] Nasiri's change, but the change must be accompanied by providing reasonsIf the judicial institution is formed during the transition period, these people will not be able to become His Majesty's lifeguard by shaving Judge Salavati's beard! Mahmoudian: Mr. Khamenei is not meant to be the agent of change; he will also accept change by forcePersonal weakness and the strength of the other party can be two factors that cause the government to retreat. Mahmoudian: Our goal in political action is to reduce repression and costsViolence against the force of oppression intensifies oppression. Mahmoudian: If our people do not share in development and power, they will ruin the gameWe cannot have Bin Salman in our society. Mahmoudian: My issue is not Mr. Khamenei; my issue is the transition to a democratic systemThe Islamic Republic's greatest weakness is the authority of the jurist. Mahmoudian: The government's balance has become so heavy that it doesn't even see the people!Mr. Jannati will still be in office even if he is 200 years old, because he has power. Mahmoudian: The ruling structure of Iran did not have the capacity and capacity for reformThree types of change are possible: reform, revolution, and transition. Mahmoudian: Those who say "Long live Mr. Pahlavi!" become idols!Mr. [Mehdi] Nasiri is the one who was replaced by Hossein Shariatmadari to prevent his extremism! Listen | Jurisprudence and Social Sciences; One-sided LoveInterview with Majid Behestani Listen | Prostitution and Social Crises | Sexual Wisdom Program at Studio PotSaeed Madani in conversation with Yasser Arab Mahmoudian: Nothing should remain of the Islamic Republic!The type of future system is of secondary importance to me. Mahmoudian: What happened in the 1979 revolution was a people's uprising against inefficiencyThe result of this change was disastrous! See: From Compulsion to Change to Responsibility to Choose: Democratic Transition or Repetition of TyrannyWith the presence of a conversation with Mehdi Mahmoudian, activist and political prisoner Soleimani Ardestani: I do not believe in clerical rule.It is possible that when the "white smoke" emerges, it will be completely contrary to our expectations. Soleimani Ardestani: You will not be able to speak to these people about religious government for the next few hundred years!Perhaps if a personality like Mr. Khatami were to become a temporary leader [for a transition to democracy], the people might accept it. Soleimani Ardestani: Among the current clergy, I do not see anyone who possesses the competence to govern the country.The clergy currently do not even have the competence to preach in mosques! Soleimani Ardestani: I am very optimistic about the Iranian nation.The people weigh the country's best interests and make decisions rationally. Soleimani Ardestani: It is not clear what will emerge from this very Assembly of Experts 24 hours after the passing of the current Leader.A hypocritical society cannot be predicted. Soleimani Ardestani: If Mr. Khamenei changes his approach, I too will become his supporter.With this current direction, I am not optimistic [about reaching the third leadership]. Soleimani Ardestani: Islam no longer holds a place in the minds of the majority of our society's youth today.For these 46 years, we have been paying the price for a single mistake (the occupation of the U.S. Embassy). Soleimani Ardestani: What is being interpreted as Velayat-e Faqih today is a catastrophe!Throughout history, the majority of Shiite jurists believed that something called Velayat-e Faqih (in the sense of the rule of the jurist) does not exist. Soleimani Ardestani: This system has not achieved its goals and has caused severe damage to both the religion and the worldly lives of the people.I believe in fundamental reforms. Soleimani Ardastani: The Islamic Republic has been transformed into an individual rule (or a one-person government).I believe there is no such thing as an Islamic Government! Soleimani Ardastani: Ayatollah Mesbah (Yazdi) was fiercely in favor of individual rule (authoritarian rule/monocracy).Among traditional scholars, Ayatollah Mesbah (Yazdi) had the worst reaction (or attitude/approach) toward the new human rights system. Soleimani Ardastani: The Leader told Mr. Mesbah (Yazdi) that he is the Motahhari of our time!The only commonality I see between these two people is that both of their turbans are white! Soleimani Ardastani: The Islamic Republic's interpretation (reading) of Islam is an unprecedented interpretation.In this interpretation, a republic has been formed in which the people have no role whatsoever (are powerless). Soleimani Ardastani: The security offices the Special Clerical Court, and so on, have had one achievement, and that is fostering hypocrisy![These agencies] have turned human beings into hypocrites who speak according to the government's wishes, but their belief is something else. Soleimani Ardastani: Someone on television portrayed Imam Ali and the Prophet as ill-tempered and disagreeable; yet, not a single voice was raised from the seminary !When ethics disappear, commitment also disappears; this is how corruption becomes widespread and institutionalized. Soleimani Ardastani: I was prepared for the insults and accusations.My hypothesis was that the reading (interpretation) presented of Shia Islam destroys ethics. Soleimani Ardastani: Whenever religion has taken charge of government, it has been harmed itself.What I have seen in these 48 years is completely consistent with my studies in the history of religions. Watch: Spinoza of Iran? | The Future of Islam in the Islamic Republic featuring Haj Sheikh Abdolrahim Soleimani ArdastaniResearcher of religions, retired professor at Mofid University, and former member of the Assembly of Lecturers and Researchers of the Qom Seminary. نمایش بیشترMost ReadMemories of Akbar Hashemi - February 20, 2000 - Meeting with Abdullah Jasbi and Concerns About Election ResultsMovie / Where is Commander Morteza Talaie?Akbar Hashemi's memoirs - 1999 September 10 - The two-person political negotiations with Vaez Tabasi continued until he was escorted to Tehran, where Hashemi apparently decided to seriously participate in the sixth parliamentary elections.The records of the recent periods of the Islamic Council showed that the parliament is not in charge of affairs and cannot interfere or pass resolutions on the authority of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces at any level, let alone supervise.What will be the future of Iran with the announced candidates for the presidential election? / Conversation with Dr. Taghi Azad AramakiCan I feel tired with you?A Basiji veterinarian was appointed head of the health network instead of an otolaryngologist.Akbar Hashemi's memoirs - 1999 September 5 - The meeting of the senior managers of the judiciary with Hashemi Rafsanjani and their complaint about the neglect of Hashemi Shahroudi, the new head of the judiciary, continues.Memories of Akbar Hashemi - 1999 September 7 - In continuation of the efforts of the late Vaez Tabasi, who used to encourage Hashemi to participate in the elections in frequent meetings, this time he also met with Hashemi.Akbar Hashemi's memories - 1999 September 9 - Continued visits to the belongings, buildings and works of Astan Quds