Conversation

From War and Sanctions to Throne and Tweet; Will 13, Badr happen? with Dr. Sadegh Zibakalam, Professor of Political Science at the University of Tehran.

If you are a person of analysis, if you still ask amidst the smoke, fire, and propaganda what will be the end, you are exactly in the right place. In a world where war is neither declared nor ended, in an era where truth is judged not by reality but by virality, and in a homeland whose people are burning in the fire of sanctions, war, lies, and promises, the main question is no longer just who stays or who goes. The question is whether anything of us will remain.

Hope or a Deception Plan? Negotiation, Explosion; Agreement and Hostility with Dr. Majid Behestani, Professor and Faculty Member of Imam Hossein University.

We will go to the heart of the mystery together. From the very beginning, we must know that in a world where truth and falsehood are intertwined, only one thing is certain: every signature has a cost, and every cost has a future. Tonight, I have the honor of being with Dr. Majid Behestani, an analyst of international developments and a professor and faculty member of Imam Hossein University, to fearlessly lift the veils. What led these two long-time enemies to sit at the negotiating table?

Latest developments in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in a conversation with Dr. Hassan Qashqavi, a former diplomat and member of the National Security and Foreign Policy Committee of the Islamic Consultative Assembly.

In a tense world and a volatile region, the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is under the microscope of public opinion and international analysts more than ever. From complex relations with global powers to Iran's role in regional equations, these raise important questions about the goals, achievements, and costs of the Islamic Republic's foreign policy. In a situation where threats from the United States and Israel, military movements in the region, and increasing tensions in the Persian Gulf have intensified, the fundamental question before us is: how is the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran defined in the face of a possible confrontation? What is the outlook of the Islamic Republic's foreign policy, especially in dealing with Trump's America? Engagement or confrontation?

Iran Without Water; The Alarm of Climate Collapse | How Did They Drive a Land to Death? With the presence of Mohammad Darvish, Senior Expert in Environment, Rangeland, and Watershed Management, and Environmental Activist.

Iran is thirsty, not only due to lack of rain but also due to lack of thought. Not only due to water scarcity but also due to the folly of a history that has forgotten water and soil. Tehran, the capital of Iran, now stands on the precipice of absolute waterlessness. Groundwater aquifers have been emptied. We look to the sky with supplication, and officials offer pumps and reservoirs. This is our concern. In the midst of this, the main question is not how much rain we have; the question is why we have no management. Why has no one thought of the future water rights? Who decided to sacrifice the fate of a land for development? And now the bells have tolled—not for someone else, not in another country. The bell of a land's end is right here, in the heart of Iran. The water crisis has passed from a crisis to the brink of climatic collapse.

The Role of Russia in the Iran-U.S. Nuclear Agreement" with the presence of Dr. Elaheh Koulaei, Professor of Regional Studies at the University of Tehran

In this dark theater of power, the roles are not pre-written, but the life and death of nations are determined in every unspoken dialogue. Every smile behind the glass table may conceal a shadow of betrayal, and the one who remains silent may be more dangerous than the one who shouts. Here, the truth lies not in what they say, but in what they do not say.

Israel's Hybrid War with Iran: From Mehdi Nassiri and Reza Pahlavi to the Way Out, featuring Hojjat-ol-Islam val-Moslemeen Mohammad-Taqi Akbarnejad, Lecturer at the Qom Seminary

Has the war ended? Or have we just entered its main phase? When the enemy no longer approaches from the border but strikes from other directions, how, who, and where does it collapse? Amidst fire and diplomacy, in a land that still smells of gunpowder, a fundamental question lies before us: How can one stand without being destroyed? How can one fight without being a warmonger?

Scenarios of the Islamic Republic in Open Diplomacy with America: A Conversation with Fadahossein Maleki, Member of the Parliament's National Security and Foreign Policy Commission.

In the geometry of global power, dialogue is sometimes a tool of peace and sometimes a mask for war. The Islamic Republic, from its very first days, has defined itself in opposition to what it calls imperialism and the hegemony system—namely, the United States. But throughout all these years, behind closed doors, the power of diplomacy has always been flowing: sometimes loudly, sometimes with sealed lips. Now, on the eve of major regional and global transformations, amid economic deadlocks and increasing social pressures, and while the world is experiencing a complex America led by Trump, it is watching this period's negotiations with Iran. The fundamental question is: what scenario does the Islamic Republic have in mind for confronting the United States under Trump's leadership? Has open diplomacy replaced covert policy?

See | The Inevitable Future of the Islamic Republic; From Protesters to Power Transfer; A Conversation with Faezeh Hashemi

Is it possible to escape the future? This is a very important question: is there any escape from the future or not? History is neither sleep nor fantasy; it is a stubborn reality that sometimes shows its face in the mirror of popular protests, sometimes in negotiations behind closed doors, and sometimes in the shadow of the comings and goings of leaders and their successors. The Islamic Republic, after nearly half a century, now seems to me to be standing in a purgatory between continuity and transition.

See | What future had Seyyed Mostafa Tajzadeh predicted for Iran? Reposted on the occasion of the 11th anniversary of his imprisonment.

Here it is from the YouTube channel of Abdi Media

Mehrdad Khansari: Mr. Pahlavi is not on the verge of occupying Iran or establishing a monarchy.

Such actions take time, and we must maintain our credibility.

Mehrdad Khansari: Personally, I cannot support the positions that have been announced by him.

As a fighter Iranian, I do not want him to get involved in issues that are beyond control or that contradict the position of a constitutional monarch.

Mehrdad Khansari: The program that Reza Pahlavi announced today for the transitional period is inconsistent with his previous principles.

During the years when I was alongside Reza Pahlavi, he was a democratic individual and did not fight for the restoration of the "monarchy".

Mehrdad Khansari: In the current situation, I do not see any alternative as practical in the short term.

The Islamic Republic is not on the verge of collapse.

Mehrdad Khansari: The issue for which an agreement must be reached is the replacement of the sovereignty of Velayat (Guardianship of the Jurist) with the sovereignty of the people.

The sidelining of Ayatollah Khamenei has "discredited" (made ambiguous or tainted) the concept of Velayat (Guardianship of the Jurist).

Mehrdad Khansari: Those who came with Khomeini and seized power diminished over time, and only 15-20 percent of them remain.

All the levers of power are in the hands of this 15-20 percent, and they run the country.

Mehrdad Khansari: In a situation that is neither war nor peace, the Islamic Republic is not more unstable.

Neither the Islamic Republic nor the US government wants to return to the battlefield.

Mehrdad Khansari: A foreign attack harms the work of constructive political forces and creates conditions where many people, for national reasons, stand behind the system.

The attack on Iran was against international law.

The selection of Mojtaba Khamenei as the leader of the Islamic Republic: what does it signify? An exclusive conversation with Mehrdad Khansari.

Mehrdad Khansari: The removal (or sidelining) of Ayatollah Khamenei has created a situation in which, if our nation is vigilant...

Is the current dissatisfaction of the people similar to the dissatisfaction of the people in 1979?

Mehrdad Khansari: The nature of the current dissatisfaction of the people is different from the past.

Mehrdad Khansari: The cause of the Shah's downfall was the dissatisfaction of the people.

The people wanted more political freedom, which was not available at that time.

Mehrdad Khansari: The Shah was a dictator politically, but he was not a brutal dictator.

The Shah intervened in two areas: matters related to foreign policy and military matters and the defense of the country.

Mehrdad Khansari: One of the differences between the rule of the Shah and the current rule is that the head of the country should not abandon his land.

During the time of the Shah, dissatisfaction could be curbed by providing financial facilities to the people.

Is public dissatisfaction with the government a "historical repetition"? Exclusive interview with Mehrdad Khansari

Mehrdad Khansari: Our country, at the time when Mohammad Reza Shah came to the throne, was a poor country.

Mojtaba Khamenei and the New Architecture of Power; Will the Third Generation of the Islamic Republic Be Consolidated? A Conversation with Hassan Etemadi, Political Analyst.

It is very clear that the Islamic Republic is at one of the most sensitive historical junctures. Therefore, we are going to discuss an issue that is important for the future of Iran, and the topic of our conversation is the structure of power in Iran. We know that after the attacks that took place in recent months, and after the killing of Ayatollah Khamenei and the transfer of leadership in a very strange and extraordinary process to his son, Mojtaba Khamenei, many now believe that the Islamic Republic has entered its third generation. Although to this day, we have not seen any live voice, image, photo, or even a live signature from the new leader. Has Iran entered the era of a military-security government? And can the new architecture of power stabilize the Islamic Republic system and the nascent system of Mojtaba Khamenei, or will new crises arise?

What is the biggest weakness of the Islamic Republic? Exclusive interview with Mehrdad Khansari

Mehrdad Khansari: The biggest weakness of the Islamic Republic is the lack of development and the creation of public dissatisfaction.

The Islamic Republic has made extensive use of the experiences of "1957".

The skill he had in construction, he did not have in "crisis management".

Watch | The Third Leader, War, and the Future of Iran; Is Reza Pahlavi the most important alternative to the Islamic Republic? In a conversation with Mehrdad Khansari, former diplomat and political analyst.

History is a testing ground for power, and in this testing ground, nations have repeatedly faced similar questions: when a political system enters a phase of erosion, or when for many it becomes conditional and reform is no longer enough, and for many the question arises as to when the survival of a government becomes its greatest issue, and more importantly, for many the question arises as to when the future separates from the past. Today, Iran is in one of the most sensitive periods of its contemporary history: the American and Israeli attack and the war that has changed the equations of the region, the killing of the second leader of the Islamic Republic, the emergence of the third leader of the Islamic Republic, changes in the balance of power within the establishment, the increasing role of security and military institutions, the intensification of political rifts, the current negotiations with the United States, and simultaneously, the return of the discussion of alternatives to the center of attention, and the return to a question that has loomed over Iranian politics for decades: Will the Islamic Republic pass through this historical turning point? If not, how will Iran's future be shaped?

Hossein Bayat: In such an emergency situation, there is no authorization for the government to become "self-satisfied" or "pleased with itself."

If the government continues its practice of raids, imprisonments, and house arrests, what we were worried about happening through a foreign attack will instead occur through "social collapse."

Hossein Bayat: Fundamental rights have always come into conflict with the ideological foundations of the Islamic Republic.

We are in an emergency situation in which the law is not observed.

Is the Islamic Republic in an "emergency" condition? Hossein Bayat responds.

Hossein Bayat: When the leader of the Islamic Republic is assassinated in the first second of the war, it means we are naturally in an emergency situation.

Hossein Bayat: Given the conditions in which the Islamic Republic finds itself, it cannot and does not want to be a defender of "fundamental rights."

The theoretical foundations of the Islamic Republic are fraught with conflict and contradiction.

Hossein Bayat: The discussion of "transition" is currently ruled out.

If there is to be a discussion of "transition," then the issue of "war" — which has already been defeated — must be raised again.

Reza Pahlavi, the Islamic Republic, and the War Trade — Shaghayegh Norouzi speaks frankly.

I want to speak on Abdi Media about one of the most complex and tense arenas of Iranian politics — a space between war and freedom, between the opposition and power, and between truth and the politics of commerce; about a society that has for years been suspended between anger, fear, hope, revenge, freedom, and collapse, and now stands at a point where it is simultaneously afraid of war, afraid of the continuation of the status quo, and afraid of a future of which it still has no clear image. In years when Iran is simultaneously entangled in internal crisis, external pressure, the threat of war, and the collapse of public trust, great questions remain — questions whose answers many might find important to know: Who truly speaks for Iran?

Shaghayegh Norouzi addressing Reza Pahlavi: You never understood what happened to your father and grandfather.

If you had understood, you wouldn't have relied one bit on foreign interference!

Shaghayegh Norouzi: The instrumental view of popular forces in both the current establishment and the opposition is similar to each other.

The binary of "people vs. government" is wrong and has led to war.

Shaghayegh Norouzi: I didn't think the current system's capability to fight in the war would be this much.

It cannot be said that those who are involved in the country's defense mechanism are necessarily the same people who suppressed the people in January

Watch | The Third Leader, War, and the Future of Iran; Is Reza Pahlavi the most important alternative to the Islamic Republic? In a conversation with Mehrdad Khansari, former diplomat and political analyst.

Watch on the Abdi Media YouTube channel.

Shaghayegh Norouzi: Right now, an authoritarian current has been created outside the borders of Iran.

Outside the country, the level of violence has risen so high that anyone who speaks "anti-war" cannot feel safe.

Iran After Ayatollah Khamenei | Mojtaba, Reza, Donald, Benjamin, Ahmad, or Mohammad Bagher: Who Will Shape the Future? A Conversation with Mohsen Sazegara, Political Analyst

Shaghayegh Norouzi: A Significant Portion of the Iranian People Are Desperately Seeking a Way Out of the Current Situation

Under these circumstances, someone like Reza Pahlavi can become "sacralized."

Shaqayegh Norouzi: I Do Not View Reza Pahlavi's Movement as a Revolution

They Lack the Authenticity, Foundations, and Ideals of a Genuine Revolution

Shaqayegh Norouzi: Pahlavi Is Neither Aligned with His Father's Model of Governance Nor with the Ideals for Which the People Have Struggled

The Pahlavi model of governance is based on a paternalistic and patriarchal style of rule.

Shagaig Nowrozi: The opposition abroad has not protected a decent culture for Iran

Free speech lives in safety

Shaghayegh Norouzi: The media carried out the war operation exceptionally well.

This entire affair of war is a "business."

Shaghayegh Norouzi: Pahlavi bears significant responsibility for the events of the month of Dey because he knows the regime wrongfully fires upon protesters.

In no movement have we had such facilitation for the issue of mass killing.

Shaghayegh Norouzi: A Popular Uprising Turned Into a Bridge Between Two Wars

This creature and her entire campaign view the existence of the Iranian human through a consumerist lens.

Shaghayegh Norouzi: December was one of the most tragic events in Iran’s contemporary history.

In December, an additional layer was added to the government's repression, and that was due to the role played by Pahlavi.

Shaghayegh Norouzi: Repression inside the country has led some people to accept war as a path for change.

The "dead ends" were translated into "insoluble" issues for the people

Shaghayegh Norouzi: People who have experienced “discrimination” are more prone to being “protesters.”

We need people who can stand against the waves.
 

Shaghayegh Norouzi: The theory that we should ignore all our standards simply because we oppose a political system is incorrect.

The path ahead does not lead to liberation.
 

Mohsen Sazegara: Leadership by a single individual in our society is neither feasible nor desirable.

Individual leadership is not desirable because such an event occurred in the Islamic Revolution.

Watch | War against Iran and its effects on fundamental rights; does war justify the suspension of citizens’ constitutional rights? A conversation with Dr. Hossein Bayat.

From the YouTube channel of Abdi Media

Mohsen Sazegara: The performance of the leader of the 1979 Revolution and Reza Pahlavi cannot be compared with one another.

The strength of revolutions is proportional to the strength of their leaders.

Mohsen Sazegara: A war involving someone as unpredictable as Trump will lead nowhere.

The waves of such a war are still on their way, and they will give rise to an “economic tsunami” in Iran.

Mohsen Sazegara: Reza Pahlavi created a disaster in his first test of leadership.

Reza Pahlavi turned his back on the “New Covenant” that he had previously presented.

Mohsen Sazegara: December is not in continuation of “Woman, Life, Freedom.”

Given the course of events in the country, it is natural that this government has no choice but to leave.
 

Tonight | War against Iran and its effects on fundamental rights; does war justify the suspension of citizens’ constitutional rights? In conversation with Dr. Hossein Bayat.

Saturday at 22:00 Iran time.

Mohsen Sazegara: The ideology of “jurisprudential Islam,” which is the structure of the government, has been defeated by the theory of “Woman, Life, Freedom.”

The Green Movement is the first movement in which people took to the streets for their civil rights without being called by the clergy.

The slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom” from the perspective of Mohsen Sazegara.

Mohsen Sazegara: The slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom” was a gift from our Kurdish compatriots, and this slogan is not accidental.

Mohsen Sazegara: The conditions in our society are revolutionary.

This revolution remained unfinished, but it achieved one of its demands, which is the issue of compulsory dress code and women’s rights.

Was the 1979 Revolution really a revolution? An exclusive interview with Mohsen Sazegara.

Mohsen Sazegara: Any process in which various segments of society, not just a single class, collectively enter the political arena and demand a change of government is a revolutionary process.
 

Mohsen Sazegara: Mohammad Reza Shah feared a religious uprising by clerics and therefore allowed them considerable freedom.

He created a suitable opportunity for religious opponents who were also ideologically equipped.
 

Reza Pahlavi, the Islamic Republic, and the business of war — Shaqayegh Norouzi speaks candidly.

From the Abdi Media YouTube channel.

Mohsen Sazegara: Mohammad Reza Pahlavi became a military dictator from June 5 and was no longer that constitutional king

Mohammad Reza Pahlavi dissolved all the parties.

Tonight | Reza Pahlavi, the Islamic Republic, and the War Trade: Shaghayegh Norouzi Speaks Frankly

Thursday at 20:30 Iran time on Abdi Media YouTube Channel

What was the difference between the 1979 Revolution model and Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s government?

Mohsen Sazegara: There were two main disputes with the Shah; they said he was an American puppet and that he did not implement Islamic jurisprudential rulings.

Mohsen Sazegara: Mr. Khomeini proposed a system in which a person called the “Supreme Jurist (Velayat-e Faqih)” has “god-like powers.”

I came to the conclusion that the problems of the Islamic Republic lie in clerical Islam (jurisprudential Islam).

Mohsen Sazegara: The problems of the Islamic Republic system are inherent to its nature, and this theory is manifested in the constitution.

During my time in Evin Prison, I became aware of the rumors about Lajevardi being a “butcher.”

Mohsen Sazegara: The journal Kiyan was one of the most successful intellectual projects in the country and addressed the problem of religion and rationality.

Mr. Khamenei used to say that the magazine *Kiyan* was a “dinosaur egg” and that a monster would emerge from it.
 

Where did the disagreements between Sazegara and Ayatollah Khamenei begin?

Mohsen Sazegara: I was working as an advisor at the Iran Data Processing Company; Mr. Khamenei issued an order from above that “so-and-so should no longer be there!”

Mohsen Sazegara: I told Hashemi Rafsanjani that you no longer have any excuse for the people, and that you must provide peace and comfort.

The confrontation with the United States and Israel was the axis of the Islamic Republic’s foreign policy.

Hassan Etemadi: A large percentage of monarchists will become disillusioned, and the public will not trust them either.

The national, freedom-seeking, and pro-democracy opposition must have a national media outlet; otherwise, they will fall behind.

Hassan Etemadi: The Islamic Republic is trying to ensure that Reza Pahlavi remains the only opposition figure on the political stage.

During the events of December (the “Dey protests”), Reza Pahlavi played a significant role in helping the Islamic Republic deal with its opponents.

Hassan Etemadi: Mojtaba Khamenei may act in a manner similar to Mohammed bin Salman.

If the Islamic Republic wants to survive, only the word “Islamic” should remain in its name.

Hassan Etemadi: If Mojtaba Khamenei Does Not Follow His Father’s Path, He Will Not Be Able to Survive.

Mr. Mojtaba's situation must also be clarified. It needs to be addressed. People cannot live with an unseen leader.

Hassan Etemadi: If the Clerics and the IRGC Do Not Change Their Colors, They Will Not Survive.

Religious governments always justify their political changes.

Hassan Etemadi: If a War Had Not Occurred, It Was Unlikely That Mojtaba Khamenei Would Become the Leader of the Islamic Republic.

It seems that even the reformists have come to accept Mojtaba’s leadership.

Hassan Etemadi: During the First Three Years of Manoto TV, Keyvan Abbasi Could Not Stand the Sight of Reza Pahlavi.

He changed his approach based on the will and request of the sponsors

Watch | Iran After Ali Khamenei | Mojtaba, Reza, Donald, Benjamin, Ahmad, or Mohammad Bagher — who will shape the future? A conversation with Mohsen Sazegara, political analyst.

From Abdi Media's YouTube channel

Hassan Etemadi: The events of January protests have no connection to the Pahlavi era.

Claiming that the Pahlavi era has ties to some members of the Revolutionary Guards is a joke.